New U.S.-Sino power diplomacy

By Willy Wo-Lap Lam
Senior China Analyst

Beijing has put out feelers to the United States that it is willing to revive the goal, first raised by Presidents Jiang Zemin and Bill Clinton in 1997 and 1998, of forging a "constructive, strategic partnership" between the two nations.

This is despite President George W. Bush's tough views on defense such as the development of an anti-missile system. Secretary of State Colin Powell has also criticized Beijing's human rights record, particularly its treatment of Falun Gong practitioners.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhu Bangzao indicated that "although China and the United States have differences, mutual interest lies in developing healthy, stable and cooperative relations."

Diplomatic experts and think-tank members in Beijing said the Jiang administration harbored cautious hopes that the goal of a "constructive, strategic partnership," which was imperiled by the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in May 1999, might be revived during the first term of the Bush presidency.

A Chinese source in Beijing said President Jiang deemed boosting ties with the Bush administration as the country's top foreign policy goal this year. "Our foreign policy cannot be called successful if there are major problems outstanding [in relations] with the U.S.," the source quoted Jiang as saying in an internal meeting.

The President, also head of the Communist Party's Leading Group on Foreign Affairs, has bolstered his team of American specialists.

Chinese Ambassador to the United States, Li Zhaoxing is returning to Beijing soon to take up the post of executive vice foreign minister. One of his principal tasks will be to advise the leadership on Sino-U.S. affairs.

Jiang is also said to be anxious to restore the personal friendship that he has developed with Clinton and other American leaders. The replacement of Li will be Vice Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, who is considered close to the Bush family.

Yang first befriended former President Bush when the latter was head of Washington's liaison office in Beijing in the mid-1970s.

Jiang is understood to be anxious to get to know Bush personally in October, when the latter is expected to go to Shanghai for the annual session of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation.

Perhaps as a conciliatory gesture, Beijing has made relatively low-key, non-belligerent remarks on Taiwan in both official statements and commentaries in the government-controlled media.

For example, Chinese officials have indicated that should Taiwan be willing to espouse the one-China principle and go to the negotiation table, every model for reunification can be discussed.

Western diplomats in Beijing said these placatory remarks reflected an anxiety that the Bush administration would be tougher on China in areas including defense and Taiwan.

In his confirmation hearings at the U.S. Senate last week, Powell said: "Taiwan is part of China but Beijing should not use force to impose reunification. The United States will provide Taiwan with its defense needs."

Beijing officials have pointed out the first test of Sino-U.S. relations will be in April, when Washington will decide on the types of weapons it will sell Taiwan this year.

Aides to President Jiang, who is expected to retire in 2003, have cited "great power diplomacy," particularly stabilizing relations with the United States, as one of his major legacies. This diplomacy was nearly derailed by the Kosovo crisis - and the phrase all but disappeared from the Chinese media.

However, the buzzword "great power diplomacy" reappeared in internal discussions late last year, a testimony, analysts said, of Jiang's determination to hit it off with Bush.

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