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China's struggle for 'democracy'

Jiang Zemin
Jiang versus the leftists may lead to greater democracy within the party  


By Willy Wo-Lap Lam
CNN Senior China Analyst

(CNN) -- The continuing battle between Chinese President Jiang Zemin and his leftist critics has one unexpected benefit: it might boost democracy inside the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Since July 1, when Jiang proclaimed in a nationally televized speech that private businessmen were fit to join the CCP, Maoist conservatives have been warning such a move might lead to the death of socialism and the party.

However, the leftists' counter-attack has gone nowhere because of Jiang's ironclad control over the state media.

Indeed, the official press has for the past month gone into overdrive singing the praises of Jiang's Theory of the Three Representations -- that the CCP is representative of the foremost in productivity, the most advanced culture, and the people's interests.

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Cadres in thousands of party and government units nationwide have in ideological classes proclaimed their allegiance to the dictum, which forms the basis for admitting "red capitalists" into the CCP.

Being on the sidelines, the leftists have no choice but to press the point that Jiang's decision in favor of the "red capitalists" is against party regulations . . . and undemocratic.

In an open letter to the party leadership late last month, veteran ideologue Deng Liqun and 16 other quasi-Maoists trained their firepower on the fact that Jiang had spurned proper procedures when he decided to let private entrepreneurs join the party.

The leftists cited Article 16 of the CCP Constitution, which said matters of consequence "should be decided upon after collective discussion by the party's committees" such as the Central Committee and Politburo.

The missive said it was wrong for Jiang to have made such a major change to party tradition through one speech.

Referring to the dispensation for red capitalists, the leftists asked: "Is the policy in accordance with the party's charter and procedures? Is it legal?

"Who was in charge of the drafting [of the policy]?

"Has it gone through thorough discussion and revision in the Politburo and the Politburo Standing committee?"

Equal status

The same point was driven home in another anti-Jiang letter written by a conservative commissar.

"It is true that the general secretary is the core of the party, but he is not a specially privileged person," the letter said.

"The party charter says when deciding on major issues, the general secretary and [Central Committee] members have equal status and that the minority must obey the majority."

The leftists have called on Jiang to observe "inner-party democracy" and to give a full explanation to the party rank and file.

Another thrust of the quasi-Maoists' attack is that Jiang has taken advantage of ideological education on the Three Representations Theory to build up an old-style personality cult.

Beijing's political analysts say on this point, the leftists have struck a cord of resonance among most liberal cadres and intellectuals.

Ferocious campagin

Since July 1, the entire country has been subject to an indoctrination campaign of a ferocity comparable to the Maoist thought-control sessions immediately after the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen crisis.

The obsequious way in which cadres have sworn personal allegiance to Jiang is reminiscent of the worst excesses of the Cultural Revolution.

For example, Guangdong party secretary Li Changchun said last week that Jiang's theory, having "enriched and developed" Marxism, possessed "profound historical significance."

And Beijing party boss Jia Qinglin urged fellow officials to "unify their thoughts and action" in accordance with the president's teachings.

In their open letter, Deng and his colleagues pointed out the president had "ridden roughshod above the entire party."

They claimed what Jiang really wanted was to "unify [the party's] thoughts under the goal of personality worship."

"It is very dangerous for the prestige and viewpoints of the entire party to be concentrated on just one person, General Secretary Jiang Zemin," the letter said.

Mao-style cult

Deng and company cited Article 10 of the party charter, which said "any form of the worship of the individual is prohibited."

They also compared Jiang to the late chairman Hua Guofeng, who was vilified for building up a Mao-style personality cult around himself.

"It is for this particular reason that comrade Hua Guofeng was deemed no longer suitable to be the party's most senior leader," the letter said.

A retired party cadre said Jiang had made a mistake by not waiting until the sixth plenary session of the Central Committee, due to be convened in September or early October, to proclaim his new deal for the "new classes" of entrepreneurs and professionals.

"Jiang has given ammunition to his enemies by choosing to proclaim something this controversial in a speech of his own," the cadre said.

"Given his control over the mainstream factions, it will not be too difficult for him to convince the Central Committee to endorse the policy on red capitalists -- and to announce it in the form of a Central Committee communiqué at the end of the sixth plenum."

Raw nerve

The cadre added the leftists had touched a raw nerve given the fact that the recently published Tiananmen Papers had already cast doubt on the constitutionality of the selection of Jiang as party general secretary in June 1989.

He said Jiang faced an uphill battle persuading party rank and file to amend the party charter in order to admit private businessmen.

The revision of the CCP constitution is tipped to be one of the hottest items on the agenda of the 16th party congress next year.

Many Beijing intellectuals agree the slugfest between Jiang and the Maoists could have the positive outcome of focusing party members' attention on the imperative of following proper procedures -- if not "inner-party democracy" itself.

After all, while pointing out that Western-style democracy is not suitable for China, Jiang and his Politburo colleagues have repeatedly vowed to promote democratic processes within the CCP.

According to Chinese Academy of Social Sciences expert Yang Fan, the controversy over the eligibility of businessmen for CCP membership may prompt more party members to uphold democratic procedures.

"In the past, relatively few party members have any interest in becoming delegates to party congresses, and congress delegates usually vote according to the prevalent line," he said.

"Since the 16th congress will deliberate on the burning issue of the admission of private entrepreneurs, more qualified people may run for the position of congress delegates."

Genuine reform

A party source said quite a few younger cadres and intellectuals were saying that only genuine political reform could satisfactorily resolve major CCP disputes such as that between Jiang and the leftists.

"Jiang and his septuagenarian colleagues can no longer suppress calls for real election of members of the Central Committee and the Politburo," the source said.

"In the past, delegates to the five-yearly congresses merely follow the leadership's instructions when they 'elect' Central Committee members.

"Now the younger generation of cadres wants more transparent and open elections so that decisions can be made democratically."

He added there was a possibility inner-party democracy might be brought up at the informal leadership conferences now taking place at the Beidaihe resort.

While it is most unlikely that a hundred flowers may soon be blooming in the CCP, future historians might be amazed that a big push for liberalization should have come from the party's least enlightened sector, the leftists.







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