Rebecca MacKinnon: Japan's prime minister visits a war shrine

CNN Tokyo Bureau Chief Rebecca MacKinnon

Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's unexpectedly early visit to a Tokyo war shrine Monday failed to stave off an angry reaction from Japan's neighbors, especially China. In an attempt to dampen the backlash, Koizumi avoided making the visit to the Yasukuni Shrine on August 15 -- the anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II. CNN Tokyo Bureau Chief Rebecca MacKinnon explores the issue.

Q: What is this shrine and why is this significant?

MacKinnon: The Yasukuni shrine was founded in 1869 as the central national shrine for the Shinto religion. Shinto is an ancient Japanese religion combining the worship of nature and natural objects, ancestors, heroes, and deities. Most Japanese today claim to practice some combination of Shintoism and Buddhism. From the Meiji Restoration in 1868 until Japan's defeat in World War II, Shinto was Japan's official state religion. The Japanese emperor was considered to be a living Shinto god. By extension, the Japanese people were thought to be a divine race and the Japanese army to acting on behalf of the divine will.

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The shrine is dedicated to the spirits of about 2.5 million Japanese who have died fighting for the emperor since the mid-1800s. Eighty percent are from World War II. Fourteen were convicted as "class A" war criminals by a special Tokyo war crimes tribunal administered by the allied powers.

Since the war, Shinto is no longer the state religion and the emperor no longer claims to be divine (although there is a very small number of Japanese who still believe he is).

Every day on August 15th, thousands of Japanese -- veterans, and patriotic citizens, as well as members of nationalist and right-wing groups -- pack the shrine grounds to worship the dead spirits, who, according to Shinto beliefs, have become deities. It is also an opportunity for like-minded people to share feelings about the events of World War II, Japan's postwar identity, and its future.

Q: Why is Koizumi's visit there a hot button issue in Japan, in Asia, in the West?

MacKinnon: The visit by any Japanese prime minister to Yasukuni at any time has always been extremely controversial. So controversial, in fact, that only one of Mr. Koizumi's predecessors actually visited the shrine officially as prime minister on August 15th. Yasuhiro Nakasone went in 1985, the 40th anniversary of Japan's surrender. The outcry both at home and abroad was so strong that no prime minister has done it since.

Because war criminals are enshrined there, people in Asia and elsewhere who fell victim to the policies carried out by the Japanese armies in World War II believe that the prime minister's visit to the shrine sends an ominous signal. They believe it shows that Japan's leadership is not sorry for atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers around Asia. China has already criticized Japan for not adequately apologizing for the deaths of millions of Chinese. In both China and South Korea, anger runs high over a new Japanese textbook which many feel whitewashes actions like slaughter, torture, and the use of comfort women. They feel that a Yasukuni shrine visit is yet another example of Japan's refusal to admit its former "sins." Chinese and South Korean officials have expressed concerns about growing Japanese militarism.

In Japan, there are those like Foreign Minister Makiko Tanaka who opposed a visit because it would create more diplomatic headaches and long-term problems with the neighbors than it was worth. Others, like the Buddhist-backed Komeito party, opposed it on anti-violent religious grounds. Then there are others who, for various reasons, believe in pacifism or are concerned about the political leanings of many nationalist and right-wing groups who have been among the most vocal and visible supporters of Koizumi's Yasukuni visit.

In the West, the issue is more distant, but many Westerners look at the Yasukuni visit controversy as a symptom of how Japan has or hasn't dealt with issues of responsibility and guilt over what happened during World War II. They compare the way that people in Japan think and talk about their country's actions during World War II to Germany, and how it has dealt with horrors of its wartime past. The two countries have handled their wartime histories very differently, and this is the subject of several fascinating books.

Q: Why did Koizumi change his itinerary and make his visit two days before August 15?

MacKinnon: Ever since he became prime minister in late April, Koizumi has been saying that he would visit Yasukuni on August 15th. He did not waver on this position at all until after his party, the LDP, managed a solid victory in parliamentary elections at the end of last month. The day after the election he suddenly started to say that he was aware many people in his own party, political coalition, and Cabinet were opposed to his visit, and that he would study their opinions carefully before making a final decision.

From then until today, he played coy. Then his office suddenly announced at 3:30 p.m. that he would visit the shrine at 4:30 p.m.. Why the sudden change? One reason is, the pressure on him from people he respected was significant. Another reason, according to some reports in the Japanese media, may be that China and South Korea sent messages through unofficial channels that if he went to the shrine on some day other than August 15th -- when the place would be packed with right-wing nationalists and veterans in their old WWII uniforms -- the diplomatic consequences were likely to be less severe.

Q: The prime minister has been developing a "young turk" reputation, that he is different and more independent than other leaders. Does the manner of his visit at the shrine enhance or take away from his image?

MacKinnon: Koizumi's popularity stems largely from the fact that he is unlike any other prime minister Japan has ever had. The Japanese have a word, "ojisan", which they use to describe conservative middle-aged men (never to their face). A comment one frequently hears on the street is: "I'm sick of 'ojisan' government!"

Koizumi speaks his mind. He acts unconventionally, he wears wild ties and perms his hair. He appears on talk shows and music videos. He claims to like heavy metal. Not only is he hip by prime ministerial standards, but he also dares to speak his mind. He says things bureaucrats don't like to hear. He appoints ministers who answer to him instead of to the bureaucrats who run the ministries. The economy is in bad shape, and the Japanese people have made it clear they want radical change. They also seem to agree by and large that he's the only person around with the leadership skills and charisma to have a chance to pull it off.

His controversial decision to visit Yasukuni, despite all the furor, shows that he is also a risk-taker. But analysts point out that it's less of a domestic risk -- most Japanese supported the visit or didn't care, than opposed it, according to one recent poll. The long term diplomatic risk -- what this will do to relations with China and South Korea -- is potentially more serious, but also harder to predict. If the diplomatic fallout gets bad beyond a certain point, that will come back to bite him domestically, because serious diplomatic tensions with two neighbors who happen to be major trading partners could have a negative affect on Japanese businesses, as well as on schools, and cultural and sports organizations which are trying to promote ties and exchanges.