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Chinese leaders set out wish list
By CNN Senior China Analyst Willy Wo-Lap Lam
(CNN) -- The just-ended plenary session of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee has confirmed President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao as determined -- but cautious -- reformers. The Hu-Wen team has boosted so-called "inner-party democracy" by indicating the supreme Politburo should submit itself to the scrutiny and supervision of the 356-member Central Committee. The party plenum also endorsed suggestions to revise the state constitution by including clauses aimed at protecting private property. Equally significant, the conclave passed a document on "perfecting the socialist market economy," which contains 50 areas where market forces will be given bigger play. Such advancements notwithstanding, the Hu-Wen leadership needs to address shortfalls in at least ten areas. 1) Insufficient "intra-party democracy." Hu made history by ruling that starting with the just-finished plenum, the Politburo should compile an annual report to the full Central Committee. However, liberal party cadres have pointed out that Central Committee members, who picked the Politburo last year, were not allowed to cast votes to approve or disapprove the report -- and to make amendments. By contrast, National People's Congress deputies are given the opportunity every year to cast ballots on the government work report delivered by the premier. 2) Limited room for pluralism within the Central Committee. Despite Hu's laudable efforts to promote the status of Central Committee members, even these senior cadres are not allowed to speak their minds. Party sources said there was a groundswell of opposition within the Central Committee to 77-year-old ex-president Jiang Zemin staying on as Chairman of the Central Military Commission. Central Committee members were equally adamant that the authorities go the distance in cracking corruption cases such as those in Shanghai and Hebei Province. Such views, however, won't see the light of day. 3) Problematic inclusion of CCP slogans into the state constitution. A sizeable number of party cadres, including the elders, have privately expressed opposition to inserting ex-president Jiang's "Theory of the Three Represents" into the state constitution. The main reason is the theory (which says that the CCP represents the most advanced productivity and culture as well as the masses' interests) is the ideology and slogan of the party -- and it is inappropriate to enshrine it in the state charter. 4) A constrained exercise in constitutional revision. Party insiders have admitted that despite great expectations abroad, the revision of the charter -- to be accomplished next March -- will be limited to the addition of just several clauses. Well-known constitutional scholars such as Cao Siyuan and Zhang Ping, have asked for more comprehensive statements guaranteeing civil and human rights. And lobbyists for disadvantaged sectors such as laid-off workers have urged that the constitution recognize laborers' right to strike and to form unions. 5) No new direction for political reform. At the plenum, Hu said the party should "push forward the reform of the political structure in an enthusiastic and stable manner." However, what the president has in mind is "political civilization," not real liberalization. And a key essence of "political civilization" is "upholding and strengthening CCP leadership." The Central Committee conclave made no mention of long-awaited reforms such as elevating village elections to township or county levels. 6) Little improvement in the freedom of expression. Hu and Wen have staked their reputation on being close to the masses -- and on giving the media more leeway in reflecting popular opinion. Hu said at the plenum the party should "expand socialist democracy," while on an earlier occasion, he had vowed to let "citizens to take part in politics orderly." Since the summer, however, intellectuals and editors have been ordered to shun issues ranging from constitutional reform to political liberalization. 7) Limited separation of party and government. While the 50-point economic blueprint passed by the plenum represents a significant leap forward for market reforms, Beijing hardly wants the thorough-going retreat of the party from economic activities. Thus, the party's organization departments retain a big say in the appointment of senior executives of state-owned enterprises. And CCP cells in companies and factories still wield immense power. 8) Limited banking and financial reforms. The plenum's economic document has highlighted the importance of "deepening the reform of financial enterprises and perfecting adjustment mechanisms in finance." However, economic sources in Beijing said the Wen cabinet had reservations about bold measures such as the injection of funds to write off state banks' non-performing loans. The party and government leadership is also extremely cautious about currency reforms, including the limited floatation of the undervalued yuan. 9) A dubious deal for peasants. Perhaps reflecting their personal knowledge of the poor western provinces, Hu and Wen indicated at the plenum that there would be more government investment in rural infrastructure -- and that farmers' taxes would be curtailed. However, the CCP has shied away from the more critical issues of allowing farmers some rights to fix the price of produce -- and letting farmers form rural labor unions. 10) Inadequate social policy. The Hu-Wen team deserves credit for insisting at the plenum that as much emphasis be put on promoting social welfare as on fostering GDP growth. The CCP is earmarking more resources for education, public health, and social security for the disadvantaged. However, Beijing still maintains a hush-hush attitude on scourges such as the worsening AIDS epidemic -- and it has refused to release a Henan-based activist whose only "crime" was publicizing statistics about the disease to the outside world.
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