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Web-only Exclusives
November 30, 2000

From Our Correspondent: Hirohito and the War
A conversation with biographer Herbert Bix

From Our Correspondent: A Rough Road Ahead
Bad news for the Philippines - and some others

From Our Correspondent: Making Enemies
Indonesia needs friends. So why is it picking fights?

Asiaweek Time Asia Now Asiaweek story

STRANGE BEDFELLOWS

Managing the World's Most Important Relationship


DURING HIS RECENT VISIT to China, U.S. Commerce Secretary Ron Brown characterized his country's ties with Beijing as the most important bilateral relationship in the world. He is right, for with the dawning of the "Pacific Century," the interaction between the giants on both sides of that ocean will have a growing impact on the rest of the world. How to manage the often-contentious relationship will become an ever weightier theme in international affairs. And unless China and America find a way to do so peaceably and effectively, the nations of Asia, in particular, will not be able to sleep easy.

The challenges are manifold. When they met in New York two weeks ago, Chinese President Jiang Zemin and his U.S. counterpart Bill Clinton talked about establishing a "hotline" to facilitate communication. Such a move would make Zhongnanhai as accessible to the White House as the Kremlin. But it would also symbolize, perhaps unintentionally, the fragile and cagey relationship between the two powers. Their frequent spats - whether over trade, human rights or Taiwan - have eroded trust to the extent that the recent summit can only be a first step on a hard road to reconciliation.

Indeed, the basic differences between China and America are such that clashes seem preordained. One is the world's oldest continuous civilization, with a family-oriented culture that is almost reflexively conservative and respectful of authority. The other is the globe's youngest major civilization, which celebrates the individual and cherishes idealism, innovation and iconoclasm. Yet it is the older nation that is experiencing a resurgence, while the younger one is settling a bit uncomfortably into a less vigorous maturity. The bitter confrontations of the Cold War, though now over, have also left a legacy of mistrust between the leader of the capitalist world and the largest country that remains nominally communist.

Despite the resulting frustrations, both nations have a large and rapidly expanding stake in harmonious ties. The Chinese recognize America as the premier source of the technology and investment they need to modernize and strengthen their country. And for the U.S., China is potentially the biggest market of the next century as well as a pivotal collaborator on key international issues. Both know that peace serves not only their interests but also that of the entire Pacific region.

How can China and the U.S. manage their relationship better? Above all, each side must seek a greater understanding of the other's special characteristics and learn to treat them more sensitively. American politicians need to realize that few things are as important to China as its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The country only recently suffered a period of great internal division, arguably fanned by foreign intervention and domination. Taiwan is both a result and a reminder of that time. Until Beijing and Taipei themselves decide on a path to reconciliation, the island's fate will remain a uniquely delicate issue in which outsiders involve themselves at great peril. America's younger politicians need to be reminded that the communiquŽs on which U.S.-Chinese ties are founded acknowledge unequivocally that there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of it. If the Americans continue to sell Taipei weapons or permit visits by its leaders, they will never have a smooth relationship with Beijing.

Human rights is another minefield. The situation in China is undoubtedly cause for concern - and to speak out against abuses of civil liberties is an essential element of the American character. Yet a nation as proud as China, which is now emerging from a long period of humiliation by foreign powers to reclaim a leading role on the world stage, simply will not heed anything that smacks of lecturing. Sometimes, Beijing will even act against its own interests simply to spite the lecturers.

Americans need to realize that China today is much freer and less repressive than it was just 20 years ago, primarily because of its rapid economic development. Rather than loudly confronting Beijing at every turn - and risking a backlash against their cause - Americans who want to boost human rights in China should work to expand commercial and cultural contacts. In time, these will help catalyze the desired changes. For their part, China's leaders should ease frictions with the U.S. on this score by being more accommodating of their own people's growing desire for a more relaxed society.

Beijing needs to learn more about America in other respects. It should understand that the U.S., as a democracy, speaks with a multitude of voices. Many parties mold the country's positions and policies, often after much debate and compromise. And because political careers depend to a large extent on public perceptions, populism is a persistent temptation. So China should not react oversensitively to the inflammatory rhetoric of some U.S. senators and congressmen. Beijing also needs to realize that if an American president sometimes seems weak or indecisive, it is partly because he has to share power with other elected representatives of the people - a concept still alien to China's own leaders.

In both countries, political realities pose additional obstacles to entente. China is still settling a leadership succession, while the U.S. is gearing up for its own - next year's presidential election. In each capital, a muscular posture toward the other side is widely, though mistakenly, viewed as strong statesmanship. Another potential flashpoint is China's expanding trade surplus with the U.S. Expected to exceed $38 billion this year, it is second only to Japan's. Since reducing large trade deficits has been a priority with the Clinton administration, more fireworks may lie ahead.

For all the difficulties, recent developments have been encouraging. Mr. Jiang and Mr. Clinton, who succeeded in breaking the ice in New York, will continue their efforts to boost the relationship this month at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Osaka. Movement in another sensitive area suggests that the favorable momentum is building. Last week, U.S. Defense Secretary William Perry announced that a senior American delegation of military experts will visit China to resume the nations' suspended dialogue on security matters.

Another positive sign may be Mr. Clinton's nomination of Mr. James Sasser, a confidant and former senator, as his next ambassador to China. Though he is no sinologist, the nominee will have the president's ear - a quality the Chinese appreciate. They were dismayed that America's last envoy, China specialist Stapleton Roy, was unable to exert much influence on the White House.

Though most Asian countries will be happy to see better Sino-American ties, one that may worry is Japan. Long an ally of the U.S. and a rival of China, it will need reassurances from both Washington and Beijing that its interests would not be jeopardized. Otherwise, Tokyo may rearm - rapidly and formidably. Good working relations among the three great powers of the Pacific are indispensable to lasting peace and stability in the region.


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