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GOP returns to its presidential roots in Philadelphia

PHILADELPHIA (CNN) -- The Republican Party returns to its roots this year in Philadelphia, the city where its first presidential nominating convention was held in 1856.

It's a city steeped in history. The Declaration of Independence was signed here, and it became the infant republic's first capital. Founded as a haven for Quakers fleeing persecution in England, it was also the home of inventor, publisher, philosopher, bon vivant and diplomat Benjamin Franklin, who helped convince the French monarchy to enter the American colonies' war for independence.

"What better place than the cradle of liberty to nominate the next president of the United States and the first president of the next millennium?" said Stephanie Mangino, deputy press secretary for the party's convention effort.

It's the sixth time the GOP has held its convention in Philadelphia, with mixed results in earlier attempts. In addition, the Democrats held their conventions here in 1936 and 1948.

Explorer John Fremont, nominated by the Republicans in their first bid for national office, lost. Ulysses S. Grant in 1872 and William McKinley in 1900 emerged from Philadelphia to claim the presidency, but Wendell Willkie in 1940 and Thomas Dewey in 1948 fell short of the mark.

Fremont's nomination came at a convention where there is no record of any official nominating speeches. Delegates approved a platform calling for the prohibition of slavery, then chose Fremont on the second ballot. Fremont, nicknamed the "Pathfinder of the West," was nationally known for his military exploits during the Mexican War and for his widely publicized explorations of the West during the 1840s. Abraham Lincoln received a nomination for vice president, but lost in the balloting to former New Jersey Senator William L. Dayton.

McKinley's nomination in 1900 also marked the major emergence of New York Gov. Theodore Roosevelt, who became the vice presidential nominee. While Roosevelt was universally loved by the delegates for his heroics at San Juan Hill, the party bosses had another reason for thrusting him into the ticket's second slot. New York GOP boss Thomas Platt believed Roosevelt was too independent of his organization, but also recognized that the Rough Rider was too popular to be denied renomination to a second term as governor. Backed by other state bosses sympathetic to his problem, Platt suggested eliminating Roosevelt as a serious problem for the party by moving him into what was viewed as the dead-end job of the vice presidency. Roosevelt was presented to the delegates as a possible vice presidential pick, and received a near-unanimous vote from the delegates.

Willkie's nomination is considered one of the greatest upsets in political history. It was widely assumed by most observers that the three leading rivals for the presidential nomination would be Manhattan District Attorney Thomas E. Dewey, Ohio Sen. Robert Taft and Michigan Sen. Arthur Vandenberg. Each had a solid base of support and was considered a leader within the party. Each stood in sharp contrast Willkie, who was a political novice, a Democrat until the late 1930s, and a virtual unknown only months before the convention.

Willkie won the Republican nomination with the assistance of a carefully orchestrated media campaign. Heavyweights such as Time's Henry Luce and Fortune's Russell Davenport worked with a number of wealthy businessmen and bankers in the months leading up to the convention to create the appearance of a Willkie boom. The candidate appeared on radio and in the papers, Willkie Clubs sprang up, Willkie petitions were circulated, and delegates were sent a seemingly endless stream of Willkie telegrams and letters. The result was of this mammoth effort was seen in the Gallup poll, which tracked a steady rise in Willkie's support throughout the spring. At the convention, with Willkie supporters packed in the galleries, Republican activists sensed a legitimate movement taking root and Willkie captured the nomination on the sixth ballot.

Republican National Chairman Jim Nicholson has said Philadelphia grounds the party in "the values of the past, while offering a vision of leadership for our future."

Philadelphia is now run by a Democrat, and President Bill Clinton carried both Pennsylvania and neighboring New Jersey in 1992 and 1996. But the state's governor, Tom Ridge, is considered a potential running mate for Bush.

Its location on the Delaware River, about 100 miles upstream from the Atlantic Ocean, made it a major East Coast seaport, commercial and banking town and a center of the shipbuilding industry.

By the mid-20th century, it was the third-largest city in America, and despite decades of decreasing population, it remains in the top five metro areas with a population of 5 million.

"It had the best combination of what we needed -- that includes terrific facilities and hotel accommodations, and financing, and countless numbers of activities for our delegates and their families," said Mangino, a Philadelphia native herself.

The party expects about 45,000 people to attend, including nearly 2,100 delegates and about 15,000 people from news organizations worldwide. The convention is seen my many in Philadelphia as a symbol of the city's resurgence after decades of economic decline: It has taken measures to keep expected protests from upstaging the event, fearing the kind of street battles that overshadowed the World Trade Organization conference in Seattle last year.

A new city ordinance modeled on anti-Ku Klux Klan measures in the South bans protesters from wearing hoods -- a legacy of Seattle, where police complained of difficulty identifying masked demonstrators they said were breaking the law. In addition, the city has contributed $7 million to the local host committee, and local organizers have put up more than $40 million.

"They've just been a terrific city to work with," Mangino said. "They're thorough, and they're there whenever we need them."