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Special Event

Second Day of GOP Convention Features Speeches by Pataki, Rice and McCain

Aired August 1, 2000 - 9:45 p.m. ET


LARRY KING, HOST, CNN "LARRY KING LIVE": Here comes George Pataki. Upset when he beat Mario Cuomo and now a very popular governor of the state of New York. The New York delegation doesn't have the best seats in the world. They're sort of next to that barrier. Here's George Pataki.



Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you.

America's history -- America's history tells the story of heroic men and women who by their faith, courage and patriotism have created the greatest nation on earth.

Heroes -- heroes are those who, as Abraham Lincoln said, dare to do their duty. We've heard from a lot of them over the paste two days, from ordinary men and women carrying out extraordinary acts of service to friends and family, community and country. Teachers giving children hope. Volunteers renewing the inner city and veterans who fought for our liberty. They've lifted America's spirits, shared America's hope and defended America's freedom.

Tonight -- tonight, we honor three special American heroes, three Republican presidents who have left an indelible mark on our history, on our party and in our hearts.


When uncertainty troubled our nation, President Gerald Ford renewed America's confidence.


His strength -- his strength and integrity defended our values at home in an ever-changing world. America's mood brightened. We regained confidence, trusted our government and believed in ourselves.

Tonight, we remember President Ford's steady leadership and Mrs. Ford's gentle grace. We remember their lifetime of dedicated service to America.


NARRATOR: It was a traumatic time for all Americans. We were divided, dispirited, disappointed, in need of a steadying hand, a unifying voice.


GERALD FORD, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.


G. FORD: In august of 1974, when I became president, we had the problems of Watergate, the problems of the Vietnam War. Those two challenges had pretty much torn the American people apart. So it was vitally important that to the best of my ability, I unify the American people.

NARRATOR: Gerald Ford was the 38th president of the United States, but the first to take office under the 25th Amendment. Still, the Ford White House was candid and straightforward, an administration any one of his predecessors might have been proud of.


G. FORD: My fellow Americans, we have a lot of work to do. My former colleagues, you and I have a lot of work to do. Let's get on with it.



NARRATOR: But in May of 1975, nine months after taking office, President Ford was confronted with an unexpected international challenge. Without provocation, Cambodia seized an American merchant ship -- the Mayaguez and her crew. As commander in chief, Gerald Ford quickly dispatched U.S. forces. They soon retook the Mayaguez and freed her crewmen.

G. FORD: It restored our country's confidence, and it restored worldwide faith that the United States was going to continue to be a world leader.

NARRATOR: July, 1976, brought a more welcome occasion for national unity, America's 200th birthday.

G. FORD: A bicentennial celebration took place in every state, in every community. And I recall very vividly a fantastic demonstration of public unity. The bicentennial was a significant event because it showed that democracy works.

NARRATOR: President Ford's commitment to be candid with the American people prompted a stunning revelation. His wife Betty faced surgery for breast cancer.


G. FORD: And then we would hope for the very best on Saturday, which we have great faith will be the case.


NARRATOR: When Betty Ford emerged from the hospital, the nation joined the first family in celebrating her recovery.


BETTY FORD, WIFE OF PRESIDENT FORD: I can't tell you how much we appreciate the support that you have given the president. And I sort of like him, too.



NARRATOR: President Ford's straightforward manner also won over foreign leaders, in the tension-filled world of the 1970s. He brokered an agreement between Egypt and Israel that set the stage for their historic peace treaty. Gerald Ford was the first American president ever to visit Japan. He ventured behind the Iron Curtain for face-to-face meetings with Leonid Brezhnev, and persuaded the Soviet leader to sign a treaty limiting nuclear arms. At the Helsinki Conference in 1975, Ford signed a treaty that bolstered human rights.

And he had straightforward advice on making it work.


G. FORD: History will judge this conference not by the promises we make, but by the promises we keep. Thank you very much.


NARRATOR: When it came to upholding the promise, Gerald Ford earned the trust of Republicans and Democrats alike, restoring much needed dignity honor to the White House. It is a value that Americans are hoping to find again in the next president of the United States.

G. FORD: Governor Bush of Texas has an exceptionally fine record. And I think those qualities, where he brought Democrats and Republicans in Texas together to solve problems in that state would be a good illustration of what he can do in the White House.

NARRATOR: More than two decades have passed since Gerald Ford called the White House home. Many of today's voters were too young to understand the urgency of those times. Yet, every American, young and old, owes a heartfelt thanks to the unassuming man from Michigan, who shouldered our nation's burdens and put America back together in his quiet, steady way.



PATAKI: Ladies and gentlemen, President and Mrs. Gerald Ford.


AUDIENCE: Gerry, Gerry, Gerry.

KING: The crowd, with a rousing tribute to the former president and a very healthy looking Betty Ford as well. And the Michigan fight song plays. He played for the university of Michigan. Nice moment, isn't it, Senator Thompson?

SEN. FRED THOMPSON (R), TENNESSEE: Very nice moment. Very nice moment. I hope a lot of young people are watching, take a few moments to understand a little better about what some of these great men have done for their country.

KING: You're not kidding. And now George Pataki will introduce the tape honoring former President Ronald Reagan, and Nancy Reagan will stand.

PATAKI: He came from the Silver Screen to "win one for the Gipper."


He rode in from the west, winning the nation's heart. Ronald Reagan's contagious optimism rekindled our national pride. He filled our hearts and raised our spirits to believe in something greater than ourselves, to believe in America, to believe in that shining city on a hill.

And America responded. We went back to work, ushering in an era of unprecedented prosperity. We advanced freedom tearing down the walls of communism and obstacles to opportunity. When asked about his legacy, Ronald Reagan said he hoped the American people would remember him as a president who tried to expand the frontiers of human freedom.



NARRATOR: We almost lost him. Just weeks after President Ronald Reagan took office, he was targeted by a would-be assassin. As the wounded president was rushed to the hospital, he would reveal his trademarks sense of humor.


RONALD REAGAN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: When I saw all those doctors surround me, too, I said I hope they were all Republicans!


(END VIDEO CLIP) NARRATOR: President Reagan's grace under fire earned the countries admiration. It would help have him fulfill his mandate to restore respect for America at home and abroad. As a candidate, Ronald Reagan had promised the American people a revolution.


REAGAN: We are going to put an end to the notion that the American taxpayer exists to fund the federal government. The federal government exists to serve the American people.


NARRATOR: As president, Reagan delivered.


REAGAN: He said we intended to reduce interest rates and inflation, and we have. He said we would reduce taxes to get our economy moving again, and we have.


NARRATOR: The country looked to Ronald Reagan during difficult moments as well. In the terrible silence after we at the crew of the space shuttle Challenger, President Reagan spoke for us all.


REAGAN: We mourn seven heroes, we will never forget them nor the last time we saw them, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye, and slipped the surly bonds every Earth to touch the face of God.


NARRATOR: President Reagan showed the same reverence for those who fought for freedom on the treacherous beaches of Normandy in World War II. He came personally to pay respects, both to those who fell and those who survived.


REAGAN: These are the men who took the cliffs, these are champions who helped free a continent, these are the heroes who helped end a war. These are the boys that point to hope.


NARRATOR: It was on the world stage that president Reagan did the most to renew respect for the United States.


REAGAN: Peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it. We will not surrender for it, now or ever.



NARRATOR: In a bold and prophetic challenge, President Reagan carried his crusade for freedom to communism's most infamous monument -- the Berlin Wall.


REAGAN: General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe, Mr. Gorbachev, tear down that wall.



NARRATOR: President Reagan was unflinching in his defense of freedom, yet he was also a visionary statesman. He found common ground with the Soviet Union on which to build a safer future for all our children. President Reagan's faith was rewarded with the IMF treaty in 1987. It was a master stroke of diplomacy, a milestone in President Reagan's quest for a more peaceful world.

Indeed, Ronald Reagan is credited with setting the stage for the end of the Cold War.

Despite the whirlwind of activities that is the presidency, Ronald Reagan always made time for his one true love -- Nancy Davis Reagan. It was an American romance that we all took pride in, a romance that still sparkles after nearly 50 years. Ronald Reagan was unable to attend the convention four years ago. Nancy Reagan spoke in his place.



NANCY REAGAN, FORMER FIRST LADY: The love and affection from thousands of Americans has been and continues to be a strengthening force for Ronnie and me each and every day.


NARRATOR: Eleven years ago, President Reagan concluded his term, but his legacy has stood the test of time.


REAGAN: My friends, we did it. We weren't just marking time. We made a difference. All in all, not bad, not bad at all. And so good-bye, God bless you and God bless the United States of America.

(END VIDEO CLIP) PATAKI: Tonight -- tonight, Mr. President, we salute you.

And we are delighted to honor the love of your life, the always loyal, ever graceful and wonderfully caring Nancy Reagan.

God bless you, Nancy.

God bless, President Reagan.


KING: Nancy Reagan last week. She told me she approached this with trepidation, glad she didn't have to speak, will head right back to California first plane tomorrow morning to be with Ronald Reagan.

Your thoughts, Michael. I'm sorry, your thoughts, Donald Regan.

DONALD REGAN, FORMER TREASURY SECRETARY: Well, I'll tell you, it's a shame that he couldn't be here to hear what this new generation thinks of him, because I think they will think as highly of him as we did, and we always will appreciate what Reagan did no for country and for the world.

KING: Quite a moment, Fred.

SEN. FRED THOMPSON (R), TENNESSEE: Yes. somebody asked me one time, you know, what makes him so believable? I thought about it, and I concluded it was because he believed.

KING: Back to George Pataki in the introduction of the film on President Bush.

And as the dedication comes to President Bush, we thank Howard Baker and Senator Thompson, and Donald Regan. We'll see you in a couple of hours with presidents Ford and Bush, and let's go back now to Bernie, Judy and Jeff for the tribute to President Bush -- Guys.

BERNARD SHAW, CNN ANCHOR: Thanks, Larry. Obviously, barely a dry eye in this house.

PATAKI: Tonight, we recognize president and Mrs. George Bush for their extraordinary life of service to the country they love so much.




PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: As I report to you, air attacks are under way against military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out Saddam Hussein's nuclear bomb potential. We will also destroy.


NARRATOR: These forceful words, President George Bush led the American people out from the long shadow of Vietnam. Our decisive Persian Gulf action let the world know we had regained our strength. Once again, we were standing by a friend on the side of justice and freedom.


PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: On the day that Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, I was determined and a very able team was determined that that aggression would not stand.


NARRATOR: This tough stand had the support of the American people, and an international coalition of 28 countries. President Bush deployed the armed forces of the United States at their full strength.


PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: I have told the American people before that this will not be another Vietnam. Our troops will have the best possible support in the entire world. And they will not be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back.



NARRATOR: America's sons and daughters completed their mission with stunning success. They restored freedom to a friendly nation, and proved that America's strength was greater than ever.

PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: When we talk about the strength of America, it's is not just military strength, where we're indeed second to none, but it's the strength of our nation's character, the decency and the honor that is the United States of America.

NARRATOR: For years, George and Barbara Bush have exemplified the generosity of the American spirit.

BARBARA BUSH, FORMER FIRST LADY: Are you taking teddy bear along?

NARRATOR: Barbara Bush's Foundation for Family Literacy brings the gift of reading to our nations children.

BARBARA BUSH: The way a child learns to read, it starts at home. The parents are the first teachers. My goals are to see that America becomes more literate.

NARRATOR: Among President Bush's proudest achievements were the signing of the Clean Air Act and the Americans with Disabilities Act.


PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: Every man woman and child with a disability can now pass through once closed doors into a bright new era of equality, independence and freedom.


NARRATOR: Throughout his distinguished career, George Bush has always served his country with pride.

PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: There could be no definition of successful life that does not include service to others. We need to rewaken this spirit in our country, the spirit of goodness, kindness strength, honor.

NARRATOR: With long history of public service, George Bush knows what it takes to be president of the United States.

PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: I think George's record can stand all the scrutiny in the world, and I think it will show a man of honor, it will show a man of integrity.

NARRATOR: For George and Barbara Bush, having two sons involved in public life is a source of pride. Of course, they are well acquainted with the pressures that are part of the political world.

PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: Here is a letter I wrote to our two sons in politics, George and Jeb, in August of 1998: "Your mother tells me both of have you mentioned to her your concerns about some of the political stories, the one that seemed to put me down and make me seem irrelevant."

NARRATOR: Both sons worried that such stories, which praised them at the expense of their father, would harm their close-knit family. George Bush had some fatherly advice.

PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH: Don't worry about it. At some point, both of you may want to say, well, I don't agree with my dad on that point. Or frankly, I think dad was wrong on that, do it. Chart your own course, not just on issues, but on defining yourselves, for nothing can ever be written that will drive a wedge between us, nothing at all, this from your proud and devoted dad.


PATAKI: Ladies and gentlemen, President George Bush.

JUDY WOODRUFF, CNN ANCHOR: That was classic George Bush, saying to everybody, cut it out, that's enough. This comes on the heels of a worshipful moment for Ronald Reagan. There's going to be a little surprise here on the podium. We're supposed to keep our eyes peeled.

JEFF GREENFIELD, CNN SENIOR ANALYST: And there is the surprise.

SHAW: A lot of delegates have their backs turned to podium, and now their turning around, and look who's here.

WOODRUFF: She's standing off to one side there on the left at a separate lectern. Her husband, President Bush, refers to her oftentimes as the "Silver Fox." WOODRUFF: And that in fact is what their grandson, George P., said to Larry King about an hour ago. He called her, she's the silver fox, the enforcer.

SHAW: And she's motioning, oh, cut it out.

GREENFIELD: They are in primetime, and they want to stay there.


BARBARA BUSH: Thank you.


Good evening.

I hope that I am the first person to welcome you to Philadelphia, the City of Motherly Love.


Tonight, I have the great pleasure to introduce to you a great man that we love very much, the next president of the United States, George W. Bush.


GOV. GEORGE W. BUSH (R-TX), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE (VIA SATELLITE): Mother -- I want to thank you, Mother.

I'm reminded of what a friend of ours in Houston one time said. She said, "George W., you may have your daddy's eyes, but you've got your mother's mouth."


I love you, Mom.

Last night we came to you from Ohio. Tonight we're in Gettysburg, and we are on our way to Philadelphia.


Laura and I are here tonight with Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge and first lady Michelle Ridge.


Tom's a great friend of mine and we have something in common. We both were smart enough to marry librarians.


I want to add my voice to the tribute to the three great presidents, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan and George Bush. They served with honor and they set high standards that I will work hard to uphold.

Tonight, we're in the house where another distinguished American president, Dwight Eisenhower, worked during his retirement.

Dwight Eisenhower had a deep sense of duty to our country. He worked to unite America. "There is no such thing as a president of the Republicans," President Eisenhower said. "There's no such thing as a president of the Democrats. Every president is president of all the people." And I seek to become president of all the people.


A president -- a president has no higher duty than to keep the peace and protect American lives. Morale in our military today is dangerously low. Our men and women in uniform need better pay, better training and better equipment. As commander in chief, I will rebuild America's military and strengthen our alliances.


Tonight, you will hear from several people who share my vision for a peaceful world. I appreciate so very much my friend John McCain, a hero whose straight talk and strong convictions are admired across America.


I appreciate my friend Elizabeth Dole, a pioneer who is a role model for so many of our daughters.


And now I want to introduce a brilliant woman, who is my chief foreign policy adviser. Dr. Condoleezza Rice is the former provost of Stanford University and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institute.

She has advised the joint chiefs of staff and presidents on national security issues. She's also a concert pianist, an accomplished figure skater and is fluent in Russian.

Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome my dear friend, Dr. Condi Rice.

GREENFIELD: This could be the first major speech of the evening. Condoleezza Rice, who is in the National Security Council -- the joint chiefs in the Reagan era -- the National Security Council in the Bush era -- former provost at Stanford -- and (UNINTELLIGIBLE) to be the president's senior adviser if he becomes the president.

WOODRUFF: Go ahead.


Thank you, governor, for that generous introduction.

Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests, fellow delegates from the Golden State of California...


... and fellow delegates -- fellow delegates from around the country, tonight we gather to reflect on America's unique opportunity to lead the forward march of freedom and to fortify the peace. We offer special thanks to all those Private Ryans who served over the decades so that tyranny would not stand.


We remember those great Republican presidents who sustained American leadership through the decades, ended the Cold War and lifted our nuclear nightmare.

Thank you, Gerald Ford.

Thank you, Ronald Reagan.

Thank you, George Herbert Walker Bush.


And tonight, we gather to acknowledge this remarkable truth: The future belongs to liberty, fueled by markets in trade, protected by the rule of law and propelled by the fundamental rights of the individual. Information and knowledge can no longer be bottled up by the state. Prosperity flows to those who can tap the genius of their people.


We have, ladies and gentlemen, a presidential nominee who knows what America must do to fulfill the promise of this new century. We have a nominee who knows the power of truth and honor. We have a nominee...


We have a nominee who will be the next great president of the United States of America, Texas Governor George W. Bush.


It is fitting that I stand before you to talk about Governor Bush's commitment to America's principled leadership in the world, because that is the legacy and tradition of our party, because our party's principles made me a Republican.


The first Republican that I knew was my father John Rice. And he is still the Republican that I admire most. My father joined our party because the Democrats in Jim Crow Alabama of 1952 would not register him to vote. The Republicans did.


I want you to know -- I want you to know that my father has never forgotten that day, and neither have I.


I joined the party for different reasons. I found a party that sees me as an individual, not as part of a group. I found a party that puts family first. I found a party that has love of liberty at its core, and I found a party that believes that peace begins with strength.


George W. Bush and Dick Cheney live and breath these Republican principles. They understand what is required for our time and what is timeless. And it all begins with integrity in the Oval Office.


George W. Bush is a man of his word, friend and foe -- friend and foe -- will know that he keeps his word and tells the truth.


George W. Bush believes that America has a special responsibility to keep the peace, that the fair cause of freedom depends on our strength and purpose. He recognizes that the magnificent men and women of America's armed forces are not a global police force; they are not the world's 911.


He will keep faith with them because they are the strongest shield and the surest sword in the maintenance of peace. And I want to assure you, if the time ever comes to use military force, President George W. Bush will do so to win, because for him, victory is not a dirty word.


George W. Bush will never allow America and our allies to be blackmailed. And make no mistake about it, blackmail is what the outlaw states seeking long-range ballistic missiles have in mind.

It is time to move beyond the Cold War. It is time to have a president devoted to a new nuclear strategy and to the deployment of effective missile defenses at the earliest possible date.


George W. Bush knows that America has allies and friends who share our values. And he has said the president should call our allies when they are not needed, so that he can call on them when they are needed.


He understand the power of trade to create jobs at home and extend liberty abroad.

But most importantly, George W. Bush, the George W. Bush that I know, is a man of uncommonly good judgment. He is focused and consistent. He believes that we Americans are at our best when we exercise power without fanfare and arrogance. He speaks plainly and with a positive spirit.

In the past year, I have had the opportunity to get a glimpse of what he will be like as president. I have traveled with him to Mexico, and I have seen the respect he has gained from its leaders and the affection he has won from its people. When he enters office, he will know more about our Mexican neighbor than any president in our history.


George W. Bush speaks to the Mexican people not just in the language of diplomacy, but in their native tongue.

I have watched him explain America's interests to the Russian foreign minister while assuring him that a peaceful Russia has nothing to fear from America.

He has told the South African president of his hope for peace and prosperity in Africa.

And I know that he understands the complexity of our relationship with China. He believes that conflict between our nations is not inevitable, yet he recognizes the challenge the Chinese government poses to our interests and values and the irresistible demand for liberty that can be unleashed by free trade with its people.


And Governor Bush has joined the bipartisan tradition of support for Israel's quest for enduring peace with its neighbors.

George W. Bush will work with Congress so that America speaks with one voice. He has demonstrated in this campaign that he will never use foreign policy for narrow partisan purposes.


But my friends, the United States cannot lead unless the president inspires the American people to accept their international responsibilities. George W. Bush will inspire us because he understands who we are.

He knows that we are an innovative people who find kinship with those in other nations who are entrepreneurial in spirit. He realizes that we are a nation that has been forged, not from common blood, but from common purpose, that the faces of America are the faces of the world.

It has not been easy. It has not been easy for our country to make "we the people" really mean all the people. Democracy in America is a work in progress, not a finished masterpiece. But even with its flaws, this unique American experience provides a shining beacon to people who still suffer in places where ethnic difference is a license to kill.


And my friends, George W. Bush understands that America is special among nations, that throughout our history, people everywhere have been inspired to flee tyranny and the constraints of class to gain liberty and pursue happiness in this great land.

In America, with education and hard work, it really does not matter where you came from; it matters only where you are going.


But that truth cannot be sustained if it is not renewed in each generation, as it was with my grandfather.

George W. Bush would have liked Granddaddy Rice. He was the son of a farmer in rural Alabama, but he recognized the importance of education. Around 1918, he decided he was going to get book-learning. And so, he asked, in the language of the day, where a colored man could go to college. He was told about little Stillman College, A school about 50 miles away. So granddaddy saved up his cotton for tuition and he went off to Tuscaloosa.

After the first year, he ran out of cotton and he needed a way to pay for college. Praise be, as he often does, God gave him an answer. My grandfather asked how those other boys were staying in school, and he was told that they had what was called a scholarship. And they said, if you wanted to be a Presbyterian minister, then you can have one, too. Granddaddy Rice said, that's just what I had in mind.


And my family has been Presbyterian and college-educated ever since.


But, you know, that's not just my grandfather's story, that's an American story -- the search for hope, the search for opportunity, the skill of good, hard work.

My friends, George W. Bush challenges us to call upon our better selves, to be compassionate toward those who are less fortunate, to cherish and educate every child, descendants of slaves and immigrants alike, and to thereby affirm the American dream for us all.

On that firm foundation, confident of what we are defending, confident of who we are, we will go forth -- we will go forth -- to extend peace, prosperity and liberty beyond our blessed shores.

Thank you. Let's go out and elect George W. Bush and Dick Cheney. Good night. God bless you and God bless America.


WOODRUFF: Forty-five-year-old Dr. Condoleezza Rice makes two statements for George W. Bush, the first one spoken, the second one inferred: first, that Governor Bush has the judgment and knows enough to lead the United States in international affairs; and, second, that he is comfortable with an African-American woman as one of his chief advisers.

GREENFIELD: Here is the wife of the last Republican nominee, Elizabeth Dole, who some -- who actually sought to become this year's Republican nominee -- some thought might be George W. Bush's running mate.



Thank you very much. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen.

You've heard Condoleezza Rice speak eloquently of America's place in the world. I, too, wish to address our nation's security tonight. I speak not of military weapons, but of moral ones, of the defense of values as well as territory.

Long before there was an American dream, there was a dream of America as liberty's home and refuge. It was for this that a million heroes fought and bled and died. Not alone to protect land on a map, much as that might -- they might cherish their home and hearth...

GREENFIELD: Elizabeth Dole, who four years ago was strolling about San Diego in what some had called an Oprah-like amazing tribute to her husband, now speaking.

We are going down to podium where Wolf Blitzer is with Condoleezza Rice, who has just addressed this convention -- Wolf.


Dr. Rice, congratulations, first of all, on your remarks. You must be very excited right now.

RICE: Thank you. It's a wonderful atmosphere out here. It is really electric.

BLITZER: When did Governor Bush ask you to make this presentation?

RICE: Governor Bush asked me a few months ago whether I might be willing to speak at the convention. I said would it be honor. And about a month ago, I was asked formally to speak. BLITZER: One of the remarks you said raised a little eyebrow, my eyebrow. You said at one point that Governor Bush has demonstrated in this campaign that he will never use foreign policy for narrow partisan purposes. Are you suggesting someone else has been using foreign policy for narrow partisan purposes?

RICE: I think this has been a very partisan White House, and I think nothing has been off limits for partisan purposes. But this was really more a statement about Governor Bush. It was a statement about his support of the administration in what the president is trying to do in Middle East. It was statement about his support in the administration in keeping our forces in Kosovo, sometimes talking to Republicans and suggesting that they pass World Trade Organization membership for China. So this is really about the future of bipartisanship, which is critical to foreign policy.

BLITZER: If Governor Bush is elected president and you have a senior position in the government, as presumably you will, what would be your recommendation to him to do first to establish his international credentials?

RICE: Governor Bush, or the president in January is going to face a lot of tasks. A lot of credibility comes and legitimacy comes with just being president of the United States. But you first have to establish relations with your allies. Those are the people who are going to support you around the world. And I think you always start with calling your allies first.

BLITZER: We interviewed President Ford a little while ago. He suggested that General Colin Powell would make an excellent secretary of state or secretary of defense. Do you think that is in the cards?

RICE: I don't know if it's in the cards, but I fully agree he would be wonderful at either job.

BLITZER: Dr. Rice, thank you so much for joining us

RICE: Thank you. Great to be with you.

BLITZER: Thank you. Back to the booth.

SHAW: And let's slip down to the floor -- really the floor -- where Candy Crowley is. What's it like down there, Candy?

CROWLEY: Bernie, it's been really interesting over the past hour or so. We started out with that salute to past presidents, and very easily turned the corner in the salute to President George Bush when he brought up his son within the film -- a move then into Governor George Bush, who, of course -- and his mother -- and his mother introduced him -- and then all of a sudden, boom, we were in to the Republican Party that George Bush wants to talk about. And that is Condoleezza Rice.

And the audience went through all the emotions, as they went through that sort of chronological living history, if you would. With the Ronald Reagan film, I would have to tell you that, you know the air is thick is one of those expressions that every once in a while you hear. The air was so thick with emotion during that particular film about Ronald Reagan -- lots of tears, particularly here in California delegation, where we were watching. Back to you in the booth.

WOODRUFF: Candy, and you mentioned former President Reagan. We are joined now here by his daughter, Maureen Reagan.


SHAW: Hello.

WOODRUFF: What are you feeling?

M. REAGAN: Well, I thought it was a lovely tribute to all of the presidents. And certainly, it was wonderful tribute to my president, that our delegations down there, remembered who he was and what he gave us.

WOODRUFF: How is your father doing?

M. REAGAN: Well, about the same as last time we talked, Judy. The disease gets worse, but he is still -- he still hangs in there with us. We count a good day by the number of smiles.

SHAW: When you hear this talk of a new Republican Party, do you ever wonder what happened to the old Republican Party?

M. REAGAN: Well, we brought in a new Republican Party, so I guess this is the new new Republican Party. I'm not really sure. I've been a Republican more than half my life. And I still think it stands for the same things it stood for back when I started.

WOODRUFF: What does it stand for to you?

M. REAGAN: It stands for individual liberty and responsibility: the fact that we have the chance to be anything we want to be, but we have to take control of our communities and make them what we want them to be.

WOODRUFF: Do you think your father would approve of the kinds of things that are being emphasized at this convention?

M. REAGAN: Oh, I think he would. He would. I want to see, when the whole thing is kind of closed up at the end, we've now identified many of the problems. Now, we need the solutions. Now we need to hear from the candidates, and we need to hear them tell us, how are we going to make these things better, and what are they going to do to inspire us to do it.

SHAW: What about gays, lesbians, and a woman's right or choice to choose?


SHAW: And the platform. M. REAGAN: Is there a problem here? Well, you have to understand I represented Ronald Reagan in front of the Log Cabin Club back in 1980. So, we were much more accepting than anybody gave us credit for.

WOODRUFF: And the party's still not on board with you.

MAUREEN REAGAN: And I understand that but I keep trying.

SHAW: I know that you want to get down to the floor to hear the John McCain speech.

MAUREEN REAGAN: I do, I do. I hope you guys will forgive me but I'll come back and talk to you again sometime.

SHAW: You promise?



MAUREEN REAGAN: As always, Bernie.

WOODRUFF: A word about Nancy. How is she doing?

MAUREEN REAGAN: Well, you can see she's doing very well. She flew in today so she's a little tired, a little jet lagged. But she'll go home tomorrow and then she'll be fine. She just doesn't like to be away.

WOODRUFF: All right, OK.

MAUREEN REAGAN: Judy, good to see you.

Jeff, good to see you.

WOODRUFF: Maureen Reagan, thank you very much for joining us.

SHAW: There was a picture of her.

WOODRUFF: All right. There she is. And as Maureen Reagan leaves us, Jeff Greenfield has a word.

GREENFIELD: Just one quick word on Condoleezza Rice's speech, which shows how things change again. Here is a speech that began by the potential most important national security adviser to a would-be president George W. Bush about dangers in the world, about tyranny, about missile defenses and ended with a humorous, folksy story about Granddaddy Rice, the personal trumps, the political on television in a convention no matter how serious the issue.

WOODRUFF: And you didn't hear the criticism that's been build -- we were told you were going to get some of the Clinton administration. Let's go back to the remarks of Elizabeth Dole.

ELIZABETH DOLE: ... matching responsibility to make wrong into right, hope into reality in the old biblical words, "to let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream."


Here, my friends, is the standard we raise. This is a faith of our fathers and mothers, the American cause we hold sacred, our politics of purpose. In the words of that great hymn, "America, America, may God thy gold refine till all success be nobleness and every gain divine."


May God bless us in this great endeavor and may God bless America. Thank you, thank you.

WOODRUFF: That is Bob Dole, former senator Bob Dole, former Senate Republican leader. His wife has just finished her remarks. She's standing next to Cindy McCain, whose husband is next up.

GREENFIELD: He'll be introduced by Chuck Hagel, United States senator, one of the few to back McCain, a Vietnam combat hero. The schematic integrity of the night is maintained. And they're even building in a demonstration. And I would venture the purpose of that is to let the McCain delegates blow off some steam and have their moment.

WOODRUFF: And by that, we don't mean the kind of demonstration that we've seen in the streets of Philadelphia today.

SEN. CHUCK HAGEL, NEBRASKA: I'm proud to be in Philadelphia to help nominate the next president of the United States, George W. Bush. My fellow Americans, there is a street in Hanoi that runs along a lake. On this street, there is a statute of an American soldier, an American fighter, an American hero, an American pilot shot down and captured in that lake. I walked that street and stood beside that statue last year, because the man represented is my friend.

For 5 1/2 years, the North Vietnamese tortured and beat him. They broke his body but they could not break his spirit.


They could not break his faith, his unconquerable faith in America, the faith that sustained him and inspired him. That same faith later inspired millions of Americans to believe in things bigger and more important than their own self-interest.


In this man, they saw character, they saw courage and they saw strength, a man who fights passionately for what he believes, a man who set the straight (ph), a man who has never stopped believing in the greatness and the goodness of America. That man, that fighter, that hero is John McCain.

(APPLAUSE) In the United States Senate, he has fought to reform government, end pork barrel spending and ensure strong American leadership throughout the world. No senator, no senator has worked harder and more tirelessly to strengthen our military than John McCain.


And he has been tireless in his efforts to reach out to young people, to young people and restore the trust of the American people in their government.

Teddy Roosevelt once said, "We are face to face with our destiny and we must meet it with a high and resolute courage. For us is the life of action, of strenuous performance of duty. Let us rather run the risk of wearing out rather than rusting out."

My fellow Americans, I introduce you to a great Republican, a great American leader, my friend, John McCain.


SEN. JOHN MCCAIN (R), ARIZONA: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.


Thank you. Thank you, my fellow Republicans.


Thank you my...


Thank you. Thank you, my fellow Republicans.


Thank you, my fellow Republicans, for that warm welcome. I am grateful for your kindness to a distant runner-up, and I'm proud to join you...


I'm proud to join you this evening in commending to all Americans the man who now represents your best wishes and mine for the future of our country, my friend, Governor George W. Bush, the next president of the United States.


Tomorrow, we will formally nominate Governor Bush. We do not do so for our sake alone. We do not seek his election merely to acquire an advantage over our political opponents or offices for our party faithful. We have a grander purpose than that. When we nominate Governor Bush for president here in the city where our great nation was born, we invest him with the faith of our founding fathers and charge him with the care of the cause they called glorious.

We are blessed to be Americans not just in times of prosperity, but at all times. We are part of something providential, a great experiment to prove the world that democracy is not only the most effective form of government, but the only moral government.


And through the years, generation after generations of Americans has held fast to the belief that we were meant to transform history.

On an early December morning many years ago, I watched my father leave for war. He joined millions of Americans to fight a world war that would decide the fate of humanity.

They fought against a cruel and formidable enemy bent on world domination.

They fought not just for themselves and their families, not just to preserve the quality of their own lives. They fought for love, for love of an idea that America stood for something greater than the sum of our individual interests.

From where did the courage come to make the maximum effort in that decisive moment in history? It marched with the sons of a nation that believed deeply in itself, in its history, in the justice of its cause, in its magnificent destiny.

Americans went into battle armed against despair with a common conviction that the country that sent them there was worth their sacrifice. Their families, their schools, their faith, their history, their heroes taught them that the freedom with which they were blessed deserved patriots to defend them.


Many would never come home. Many would never come home. But those who did returned with an even deeper civic love. They believed that if America were worth dying for, then surely she was worth living for.


They were, as Tocqueville said of Americans, haunted by visions of what will be. They built an even greater nation than the one they had left their homes to defend, an America that offered more opportunities to more of its people than ever before, an America that began to redress the injustices that had been visited on too many of her citizens for too long.

They bound up the wounds of war for ally and enemy alike. And when faced with a new, terrible threat to the security and freedom of the world, they fought that, too, as did their sons and daughters, and they prevailed.

Now we stand unsurpassed in our wealth and power. What shall we make of it? Let us take courage from their example and from the new world they built -- build a better one.

This new century will be an age of untold possibilities for us and for all mankind. Many nations now share our love of liberty and aspire to the orderly progress of democracy.

But the world is still home to tyrants, haters and aggressors hostile to America and our ideals.

We are obliged to seize this moment to help build a safer, freer and more prosperous world, completely free of the tyranny that made the last century such a violent age.


We are strong, confident people. We know that our ideals, our courage, our ingenuity ensure our success. Isolationism and protectionism are fools' errands. We shouldn't build walls to the global success of our interests and values. Walls are for cowards, my friends, not for Americans.


No nation complacent in its greatness will long sustain it. We are an unfinished nation and we're not a people of half measures. We who have found shelter beneath the great oak must care for it in our time with as much devotion as had the patriots who proceeded us.

This is an extraordinary time to be alive. We are so strong and prosperous that we can scarcely imagine the heights we could ascend if we have the will to make the climb.

Yet I think each of us senses that America, for all our prosperity, is in danger of losing the best sense of herself, that there's a purpose to being an American beyond materialism.

Cynicism is suffocating the ideals of many Americans, especially among our young. And with cause, for they have lost pride in their government. Too often those who hold the public trust have failed to set the necessary example. Too often...


Too often partisanship seems all-consuming. Differences are defined with derision. Too often we seem to put our personal interest before the national interest leaving the people's business unattended while we posture, poll and spin.


When the people believe that government no longer embodies our founding ideals, then basic civil consensus will deteriorate as people seek substitutes for the unifying values of patriotism. National pride will not endure the people's contempt for government, and national pride is as indispensable to the happiness of Americans as is our self-respect.


When we quit seeing ourselves as part of something greater than our self-interests, then civic love gives way to the temptations of selfishness, bigotry and hate. Unless we restore the people's sovereignty over government, renew their pride in public service, reform our institutions to meet the challenges of a new day, and invigorate our national purpose, then America's best days will be behind us.

To achieve the necessary changes to the practices and institutions of our democracy, we need to be a little less content. We need to get riled-up a bit and stand up for the values that made America great.


Rally to this new patriotic challenge or lose forever America's extraordinary ability to see around the corner of history.

Americans, enter the public life of your country determined to tell the truth...


... to put problem -- to put problem-solving ahead of partisanship, to defend the national interest against the forces that would divide us. Keep our promise to America as she has kept her promise to you, and you will know a happiness far more sublime than pleasure.

It's easy to forget...


It's easy to forget in politics where principle ends and selfishness begins. It takes leaders of courage and character to remember the difference. Tomorrow our party will nominate such a leader.

George W. Bush believes in the greatness of America and the justice of our cause. He believes in the America of the immigrants' dream, the high lantern of freedom and hope to the world.

He's proud of America's stature as the world's only superpower, and he accepts the responsibilities along with the blessings that come with that hard-earned distinction.

He knows well that there is no safe alternative to American leadership, and he will not squander this unique moment in history by allowing America to retreat behind empty threats, false promises and uncertain diplomacy. (APPLAUSE)

He will confidently -- he will confidently defend our interests and values wherever they are threatened.

I say to all Americans -- Republican, Democrat or independent -- if you believe America deserves leaders with a purpose more ennobling than expediency and opportunism, then vote for Governor Bush.


If you believe patriotism is more than a sound bite and public service should be more than a photo-op, then vote for Governor Bush.

My friend Governor Bush believes in an America that is so much more than the sum of its divided parts. He wants to give you back a government that serves all the people, no matter the circumstances of their birth. And he wants to lead a Republican Party that is as big as the country we serve.


He wants nothing to divide us into separate nations -- not our color, not our race, not our wealth, not our religion, not our politics. He wants us to live for America as one nation and together profess the American creed of self-evident truths.

I support him, I am grateful to him, and I am proud of him.


He's a good man from a good family that has, in good times and bad, dedicated themselves to America.

Many years ago, the governor's father served in the Pacific with distinction under the command of my grandfather. Now it is my turn to serve under the son of my grandfather's brave subordinate.


I am proud to do so, for I know that by supporting George W. Bush, I serve my country well.


My grandfather was an aviator. My father a submariner.

They gave their lives to their country.

In Tokyo Harbor on the day the Japanese surrendered, they were reunited for the last time, my grandfather would die a few days later. His last words to my father were, "It's an honor to die for your country and your principles."

I have been an imperfect servant of my country for over 40 years. And my many mistakes rightly humble me. But I am their son and they taught me to love my country. And that has made all the difference, my friends, all the difference in the world.

I am so grateful to have seen America rise to such prominence. But America's greatness is a quest without end, the object beyond the horizon. And it is an inescapable and bittersweet irony of life that the older we are, the more distant the horizon becomes.

I will not see what's over America's horizon. The years that remain are not too few I trust, but the immortality that was the aspiration of my youth has, like all the treasures of youth, quietly slipped away.

But I have faith. I have faith in you. I have faith in your patriotism, in your passion to build upon the accomplishments of our storied past. I have faith that people who are free to act in their own interests will perceive their interests in an enlightened way and live as one nation in a kinship of ideals, served by a government that kindles the pride of every one of you.

I have faith that just beyond the distant horizon live a people who gratefully accept the obligation of their freedom to make of their power and wealth a civilization for the ages, a civilization in which all people share in the promise of freedom. I have such faith in you, my fellow Americans, and I'm haunted by the vision of what will be.

Thank you very much.


GREENFIELD: Arizona Senator John McCain in a speech clearly, quickly endorsing George Bush, delivered, I must say, I think dutifully rather than passionately. Bringing the delegates to their feet only when he said it's time to get riled up again.

And I must say, Ken Duberstein, touched by almost very unusual notes for a convention speech. The reference to his own mortality, being haunted by his vision. It almost sounded like the farewell speech of a departing elder rather than a combatant. Explain this to us.

KEN DUBERSTEIN, FORMER WHITE HOUSE CHIEF OF STAFF: Well, Jeff, I think there was an awful lot of street talk as far as his reasons for supporting George Bush. Nobody has any doubt any longer than John McCain will not go all out for the Republican ticket.

At the same time, he had to walk the narrow balance with the support from his strongest proponents: the independents, the crossover Democrats and the moderate Republicans. I think it was a very difficult speech for him but one where he clearly laid out his support for George W. Bush. That's what everybody wanted to hear him say.

WOODRUFF: Why wasn't there more passion in this speech, Ken Duberstein? We watched him out on the campaign trail.

DUBERSTEIN: Why wasn't there more...

WOODRUFF: ... belting it out. DUBERSTEIN: Why wasn't he more riled up?

WOODRUFF: I mean, the words were certainly supportive, they were strong. And this is an eloquent speech, an eloquently...

DUBERSTEIN: Yeah, I mean, it reads eloquently but John didn't give it with the oomph that he usually delivers when he's off the cuff, when he's ad libbing, when he's attacking, when he's giving a political speech.

GREENFIELD: He gave a brilliant speech for Bob Dole four years ago, frankly, a much more passionate speech on behalf of his fellow veteran, Bob Dole, than he did tonight. Dare I suggest that there's still a certain amount -- not reluctance -- the words are here -- but emotionally, perhaps he has not fully committed to the man he battled so furiously?

DUBERSTEIN: And everything I know in my conversation with John McCain, he is enthusiastically supporting not only George W. Bush but also Dick Cheney.

SHAW: Wait a minute, there's something very telling in what you just said about a minute ago. You said he had to walk the narrow balance because of concern for independent and swing voters. At this late hour, what narrow balance is there? If he enthusiastically supports George W. Bush, what narrow balance is there to walk?

DUBERSTEIN: And he is trying to work with his supporters to make sure that the independents and the crossover Democrats come out for George W. Bush.

SHAW: I hear you saying that he doesn't want to seem to be selling out.

DUBERSTEIN: What he is saying is, "Come with me. Let's have trust in George W. Bush," that he, in fact, can help us reform the public institutions, reform those of us who believe in public service.

WOODRUFF: Why didn't he mention anywhere in here campaign finance reform? He did talk about the need for bipartisanship.

DUBERSTEIN: I think he said it without using the words, campaign finance reform, as far as reforming our public institutions. But why would he be subtle from this podium?

GREENFIELD: Especially the man who talked about straight talk See, I think, actually, Ken...

SHAW: You're smiling but...

GREENFIELD: You're putting your finger on it. He had to walk a line. He couldn't say it with that direct, blunt way that millions of people fell in love with him for saying it. This wasn't the John McCain we've seen because he couldn't be the real John McCain.

SHAW: But the straight talk from John McCain tonight was, "I am enthusiastically, overwhelmingly supporting George W. Bush and Dick Cheney. What everybody, I think, heard was that he was doing it. We can sit here and say, but it wasn't the off-the-cuff John McCain riled up that he is on the campaign trail. What he is talking about is his confidence in George W. Bush and his ability to govern.

SHAW: I would be completely -- if I were writing the lead on this speech in the press box, I would be wrong if I said, "Tonight in Philadelphia, Senator John McCain, instead of delivering a straight- talk express, delivered an oblique express.

DUBERSTEIN: No. I think he delivered a straight-talk endorsement of George W. Bush.

GREENFIELD: Just one more thing, Ken. I thought this was striking by whoever who wrote this speech. He surrounded George W. Bush with military heroes, a man who himself had never served. And the line, my father, my grandfather, the governor's father -- now it is my turn to serve under the son of my grandfather's brave subordinate. Is service by association. For -- a neat trick, I must say.

DUBERSTEIN: But it is public service under the banner of George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.

WOODRUFF: That's right. It was.

GREENFIELD: Thank you.

WOODRUFF: Ken Duberstein, thank you very much. It's great to see you. Thank you for being with us.

DUBERSTEIN: My pleasure.

SHAW: Always good talking to you.

WOODRUFF: And we're going to straight down -- speaking of "straight," we're going straight down the floor to Frank Sesno, who's in the Rhode Island delegation -- Frank.

FRANK SESNO, CNN ANCHOR: In the Rhode Island delegation, and with Captain S.G. Payne, (UNINTELLIGIBLE) Payne, retired from the Coast Guard, and an adamant John McCain supporter.

You sat and you listened to this speech. There were moments when you were riveted and moments when you had your arms folded across your chest. Tell us about it.

S.G. PAYNE, RHODE ISLAND DELEGATION: Actually, I had a glimpse of the speech of -- I saw a draft of it yesterday. And I've got to tell you, those words were not from spin guys. They were from John McCain. He's tough on speeches. He does a lot of it himself, and it got me right here.

SESNO: What got you?

PAYNE: Pardon. SESNO: What part of it got you?

PAYNE: Just collectively. His choice of words that communicates how he feels citizens should participate in a governmental process. You know, collectively, people aren't used to that type of delivery.

SESNO: He said at times people need to get riled up, but we just heard our Jeff Greenfield, Bernie and Judy and Ken Duberstein talking about the fine line, the balance that it sounded tonight that John McCain had to walk. Did you feel you were hearing the straight talk, straight-shooting John McCain you knew on the campaign trail?

PAYNE: It was actually the epitome of straight talk. And you mentioned getting people riled up. That's what's needed in politics. We cannot be politically correct all the time, because the government would become stagnant. We cannot -- move forward.

We have got to always preach straight talk.

SESNO: (UNINTELLIGIBLE) Payne, thanks much. Back to the booth.

I'm sorry. To Jeanne.

JEANNE MESERVE, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Frank, thank you. I'm in the Massachusetts delegation. When Massachusetts cast its roll call vote tonight, 35 votes were cast for George W. Bush. There was one abstention, and there was one vote for John McCain. And with me now is Dr. Dwight Stole (ph). He's the man who cast that vote for John McCain.

Why did you vote that way at this point when all is lost?

DR. DWIGHT STOLE, MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATION: Well, it's a bit of a protest vote, but it's a message to be sent about campaign finance reform.

MESERVE: And what is that message?

STOLE: That the governor and Mr. Cheney hopefully will make this more of an issue in the campaign as we go into these last three or four months.

MESERVE: Senator McCain in his speech talked a lot about upholding principle and honor, but the principle of his campaign was campaign finance reform, and he did not explicitly say those words in this speech. Are you disappointed?

STOLE: Well, I would liked to have heard more of it, but this was a very good speech. I -- when it comes to John McCain, there's an emotional side to this man that struck a chord with us in New England. And I can't say enough about the man.

MESERVE: Dr. Stole, thanks so much, and now back to the booth.

SHAW: Thank you, Jeanne, and Arizona Senator John McCain, after having endorsed Governor Bush, is here with us, and Judy, Jeff and I have been pouring over your speech, and it sounded like you were saying farewell in those last emotional paragraphs in the last line.

"I am haunted by the vision of what will be for this great country."

MCCAIN: Well, I am because I think that we -- we've arrived at a point in history where our possibilities and our abilities to bring freedom and democracy throughout the world are really without limit, defending on our leadership and our commitment and our call to Americans to serve.

WOODRUFF: We've been commenting senator on what powerful words are in this speech. You didn't bring to it quite the passion that some of us saw you have out on the campaign trail. Any sense of why that is?

MCCAIN: Well, I think, Judy, that when you're out on the campaign trail you're talking to an audience that's in front of you. I'm talking to this convention, but I'm also talking to the American people. Everything we do on television is exaggerated in the home when they watch it, and because of which, a thematic speech I think that to get too passionate I think then detracts from the message. But perhaps I just didn't deliver it well.

GREENFIELD: Well, Ken...

WOODRUFF: No, you delivered. That's not what we're saying.

GREENFIELD: Well, Ken Duberstein -- Ken Duberstein, who was here a moment ago, suggested that you had a very fine line to walk between endorsing Bush but being true, if I can put that way, to your supporters, who supported you precisely because, as you said -- and probably the line that got the best response -- it's time to get riled up a bit.

In some sense, did you feel that the moment meant this was not a time to rile anybody up, whether about Clinton, Gore, Hillary, or your campaign?

MCCAIN: Not -- I really felt that it was an important message to inspire Americans to get more involved, to rally to the service of their country. The 1998 election had the lowest voter turnout in history of young Americans. Poll after poll shows us that Americans are not even paying attention to this presidential campaign.

Here, America is at the height of its power and prosperity, and yet Americans are becoming disenchanted, or even cynical, and sometimes even alienated from the institutions of government. So we need to reform. Reform has been the theme of my message throughout.

GREENFIELD: One other quick thing, if I may.


GREENFIELD: No mention of the vice presidential candidate. Any particular reason? MCCAIN: You know, I thought about that. But my campaign wasn't against Dick Cheney, who's an old dear friend, and I wanted to make sure that George W. Bush was the name that my supporters heard when I -- when I was discussing my support.

SHAW: John McCain, you say that this speech was a thematic speech. Let's look under the commas and the periods. Once sentence that struck me: "And he will not squander this unique moment in history by allowing America to retreat behind empty threats, false promises and uncertain diplomacy." Be specific instead of thematic. What were you talking about, whom were you talking about?

MCCAIN: I think this administration on numerous occasions has said something is -- quote -- "unacceptable," whether it be Milosevic and Montenegro, or Kosovo, or something that happened in Africa. The president of the United States goes around and said, "This is unacceptable," and then it happens and nothing happens. The false promises that have been made in many places in the world to different entities, no matter who they are.

And uncertain diplomacy, in my view, was just illustrated in the collapse of the Middle East peace talks. It was very difficult for anyone to assume that the president of the United States could sit down and solve these problems with the two parties. It took nine days just to arrange for a withdrawal by -- that was conducted by President Carter. So I believe that this administration has conducted a feckless, photo-op foreign policy, and I've said that many, many times.

WOODRUFF: Turning just for a moment to domestic policy, how hard was it for you not to mention the words, the three words "campaign finance reform," something that was really the talisman when you were (UNINTELLIGIBLE)

MCCAIN: When you said wasn't quite as much passionate, I spoke as passionately as I could about reform, the institutions of government. Over and over I'm talking about it. And rather than me say specifically campaign finance reform, we need to reform all the institutions of government, whether it be the tax code or the military or education. The gateway to it is obviously campaign finance reform.

WOODRUFF: The interpretation is that because Governor Bush disagrees with you about that to a large degree, that you stayed way from mentioning those exact words.

MCCAIN: Again, I think when you're talking about a thematic speech, when you're talking about a message of the greatness of America, to say, and I want repeal of the marriage penalty, et cetera, et cetera, that it doesn't exactly fit.

I mean, I don't think that there is an American that follows politics that when I say reform the institutions of the government and the cynicism that is suffocating the young, doesn't know what I'm talking about.

GREENFIELD: Can I ask, you know, on a personal note, there are some phrasing in here that is extraordinary, in my view, from a political -- a political event. You talk about the fact that "the years that remain are not too few, but immortality has slipped away." And you use a phrase -- I know it's from Tocqueville -- not that I am hopeful of the vision that will be or am excited, I'm haunted.

Even borrowing that word, you know, it almost sounds like you're worried. I'm asking, because you love the written and spoken word. What did you mean? Why haunted?

MCCAIN: Because when I read Tocqueville, I, in the context of the way he wrote it, I'm haunted by the vision: that when he observed American we were again a country of unlimited possibilities and vista. But there's also challenges out there as well.

So I thought rather than -- but I also preceded that with "I have faith," "I have faith in you." I mean, I made it very specific of the confidence and faith I have that under the proper leadership and with the proper inspiration America's best days are not behind us but ahead of us.

WOODRUFF: Speaking of people having faith in you, senator, on the floor now with our own Candy Crowley is a delegate who was here to cast a vote for you, and he has a question for you.



CANDY CROWLEY, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Judy, I've got Mike Lesquadro (ph), who is from New York, senator. He tells me that he was never involved in politics until you came along. And Mike, go ahead.

MIKE LESQUADRO, NEW YORK DELEGATION: Senator, first of all, I want to say how proud we are of you. You really showed leadership tonight.

MCCAIN: Thank you.

LESQUADRO: And seeing as this revolution you started with all us McCainiacs, we want to know how you can help us to get involved. We have a couple of your alternates or delegates that want to get involved. We have one woman who's running for Congress in Brooklyn. And we want you to help us, and we want you to show us how we can go about doing this.

MCCAIN: Thank you. Don't give up. Keep in contact with us. Obviously, we have And remember that we cannot and will not ever abandon the cause, which became a crusade of reform, and recognize that I committed that I would support the nominee of the Republican Party. We had a tough campaign, and Americans don't like sore losers.

And I'm just grateful for the experience that I had, the support of people like you, and it's the greatest and most wonderful experience in my life. And thank you and so many others for making it possible. LESQUADRO: Senator, your example tonight, it's going to be very easy to go out and support Governor Bush, I want you to know that. We're all going to be behind him because of your example, and you started quite a revolution here, I want you to know that.

MCCAIN: I thank you, my friend. I'm going to take you with me wherever I go.


WOODRUFF: How does it make you feel to hear that?

MCCAIN: It's wonderful, but you know, many times, I don't know how many times people said, "Isn't this a bittersweet experience for you, you know, because you almost or might have?" No. It's a -- it's a feeling I have of gratitude to have had the opportunity to do this, to come from relative obscurity to a campaign that was very, very viable, and the opportunity to know young people like we just saw and to inspire them to greater causes and greater efforts and involve them in the political process.

Millions of people who had never voted before voted in the primaries. While I was in the primaries, we had the largest voter turnouts they'd had in many, many years. I'm proud of that.

SHAW: Question about something that's happening on the campaign trail today. Governor Bush, President Clinton, remarks uttered about the governor, his father, former President George Bush.

Question: Should former President Bush take off the gloves and engage verbally President Clinton, who's been critical of Governor Bush?

MCCAIN: President Bush is, first of all, a father, and he obviously doesn't like his son being criticized, and it's almost unprecedented during a convention for any Democrat, much less a president, to criticize. But I think that President Bush is going to calm down, and I don't think he's going to take off the gloves. That is just not the nature of President Bush.

But I don't think it was -- it was appropriate for President Clinton to criticize Governor Bush at this time, just like I will not criticize the Democrats during their convention. It's a tradition, frankly, that's older than CNN's coverage of presidential primaries and presidential elections -- excuse me.

GREENFIELD: A few years ago, Cindy McCain was up here...


GREENFIELD: And on the floor, she was listening to a couple of your delegates talk about you. One of them said, you know, yes, we're with Bush, we love McCain, and I have to say she came close to what happened to you when you were releasing delegates. And I realized that "bittersweet moment" is not a phrase you use. But I'm thinking back to 1976, when Ronald Reagan ran a race and almost took it away from Gerald Ford, and there was a sense of this time we almost made it. And a lot of his people said, well, OK, we'll agree with Ford, but the minute he loses, if he loses, we're going back with Ronald Reagan. I'm sure many of your delegates have told you that already, right?

MCCAIN: Well, they'd like to -- you know, hope springs eternal, but I told them I fully expect to be campaigning for the re-election of President George W. Bush in the year 2004.

I want to mention one thing about Cindy: At the end, we -- she had to go to Vermont and Rhode Island, and I had to go to Maine. We carried Vermont and Rhode Island and lost Maine. That should -- that should convince you.

SHAW: By the way, she's standing in the wings listening to this interview.

WOODRUFF: Behind that camera right there.

SHAW: A question -- in fact, the first question that I asked of her was you're endorsing Governor Bush, but who's the better man? And...


I'll tell you what she said. She said that given that I'm married to him you can understand where I'm coming from.

WOODRUFF: Which is what you'd want her to say.


GREENFIELD: We assume that that was the right answer, senator.

MCCAIN: I think so.

WOODRUFF: Senator, a quick -- a quick -- is this convention too packaged, too nice, too lovey-dovey?

MCCAIN: I'd think we'd like some excitement, but we all know what conventions have become, and that's to present our candidates in the best possible way. And that's the way it's evolved. I'd like to see some excitement. Of course, that's my nature. But I understand...

SHAW: You want to (UNINTELLIGIBLE) someone.

MCCAIN: I certainly understand.

GREENFIELD: Fewer lobbyists?

MCCAIN: There you go. You know what might be a good idea next time, is to have some more debate and discussion about the platform, not just the issue of abortion, but get some input into our platform. It might be fun.

WOODRUFF: You mean on the floor.

MCCAIN: Or in various -- we could set up panels, and people would cover that, some ventilation of the issues. But the way that it's evolved now, I think that it's a chance for us also to present our party not only as it is, but what we want it to be.

SHAW: Well, we'll keep soldiering on.

MCCAIN: Thank you.

SHAW: Thank you.

WOODRUFF: Senator John McCain, good to see you.

MCCAIN: It's great to see you all.

SHAW: Pleasure to have you.

MCCAIN: Thank you.

WOODRUFF: Thank you very much.

MCCAIN: Thank you.

WOODRUFF: Appreciate it.

SHAW: Thank you.

WOODRUFF: We're going to take a break. When we come back, we're going to hear from all our correspondents down on the floor. We'll be right back.


SHAW: A prophetic statement. This hall is emptying.

Bill Schneider has not gone home. A lot of talk on the floor, Bill, about veterans, salutes to veterans -- Norman Schwarzkopf, Colin Powell last night...


SHAW: ... Bob Dole.

SCHNEIDER: That's right. One in six Americans has served in the military, including George W. Bush and Al Gore. Advantage who? Where are the voters? The veterans' vote is going for Bush over Gore by a wide margin.

Is it because they're veterans? President Clinton's position on gays in the military was not very popular with veterans. But remember, most veterans are men. President Clinton's position on gays in the military was not very popular with men either.

John F. Kennedy was propelled into office by the votes of his fellow World War II veterans. John McCain tried to rally the veterans' vote this year, and it didn't work. In the crucial South Carolina primary, a state with a lot of veterans, Bush tied McCain among veteran voters.

While veterans continued to command great respect in this country and from the voters, the veterans' vote is diminishing in importance. That's because there is no draft anymore.

For the entire baby boom generation of candidates, "What did you do during the war, daddy?" has become a very problematic question. It was certainly a problem for Dan Quayle and for Bill Clinton. But it did not keep them from getting elected.

SHAW: Listening to what you say, it occurs to me that this trend could have a profound impact on this country.

SCHNEIDER: Oh, that's right. Exactly. I mean, just remember Kennedy when he got elected, that was the veterans' vote. They're smaller in number now because the draft is over.

They're still honored and respected. But the particular nature of the Vietnam War has made that a very different issue.

WOODRUFF: That's right. Last election we had only one candidate who hadn't fought in candidate.

SCHNEIDER: That's right.

WOODRUFF: Bob Dole against Bill Clinton. This election too.

GREENFIELD: We want to go down to the floor now for some reaction from our correspondents, beginning with Wolf Blitzer. I assume you're still up at the podium, Wolf, even if nobody else is.

BLITZER: Jeff Greenfield, you're wrong again. I'm down on the floor with my colleagues.

WOODRUFF: Nice to say that.

BLITZER: There is nothing going on up at the podium. We're all here. We're all trying to digest what we saw this evening.

I was struck by the nostalgic moment for Ronald Reagan. That was certainly one of the most -- one of the highlights certainly of this evening, Nancy Reagan. Of course, when Barbara Bush was on the stage, all of us were moved as we remembered, all of us had covered a lot of that political story. There's no doubt the whole tribute to the World War II generation of Bob Dole, all very, very moving stuff.

But as many of you have been talking about in the booth -- and I'd be anxious for some of my colleagues to pick it up -- the John McCain speech did not seem to really ignite here. Coming into this event, a lot of us thought that might be the highlight of this convention.

Would John McCain really do more than George W. Bush? But certainly, his speech was not as electric as Colin Powell's was last night.

CROWLEY: No, and it wasn't really as electric to this crowd as Condi Rice. I mean, she was the clear speechifying star of the night.

Let me just go back to the nostalgic look at the presidents. What I thought was an incredible piece of showmanship, at least, was the way they made that link right into George W. You know, they went from Ford to Reagan to George Bush the father, and within that film went to George Bush, the son. Boom, there was mom, introduce the son, and they were into Conde Rice. That's sort of forward-looking.

MESERVE: I managed to position myself right below the VIP box. I was probably 15, 20 feet from all of them. It was quite amazing to watch the former presidents Bush and Gerald Ford both tearing up. Former Senator Bob Dole also tearing up. And then to watch Nancy Reagan struggling so hard to maintain that public composure that she's so famous for.

SESNO: It really was a night of emotion across the board. I mean, there were many delegates out here who themselves were tearing up at one or several parts of those films.

I'm interested, Wolf, in what you said about John McCain, and Candy, that it really wasn't his speech that carried the night. For his delegates, though, it was the high point.

And there's a story here that really I think reflects a lot. One of his delegates said, "All right, you can talk to me. But you can't use my name. And you can't say what state I'm from. But the wrong guy is getting the nomination here."

But they've put a lot of pressure on us -- meaning the organizers of this convention -- not to say that. There's a lot of pent up emotion for John McCain in that regard.

JOHN KING, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, as Senator McCain's eyes teared up near the end of his speech, many tears here in the Arizona delegation. But on Candy's point, we should just do the simple math.

Senator McCain was a favorite early on in the race. But there are 50 states represented here. He won only seven.

And he comes here with a majority of delegates only in five. So he is a minority figure in the party right now. So inside the hall, his speech not so important perhaps, but outside the hall...

SESNO: And he knew it.

KING: ... And he knew it very well.

SESNO: And that's what we...

KING: But outside the hall, this critical as Governor Bush needs his support to get at independent voters and those crossover Democrats in states like Michigan who supported John McCain. MESERVE: And let me tell the reaction of one U.S. senator who we ran into shortly after this speech. He said it struck him as desperate. This was a man so anxious to ingratiate himself with his party, so anxious to again be a player within the Republican Party.

BLITZER: You know, a lot of Al Gore's supporters, though, were listening to this speech. They heard this enthusiastic endorsement of George W. Bush.

But you know what they're going to remember. They're not going to remember and they're not going to point out what John McCain said this evening. They're going to remember what he said four or five months ago when he said that, "If George W. Bush is a reformer, I'm an astronaut."

CROWLEY: Well, then they bring up Bill Bradley. I mean, two play that game. I mean, I think the bottom line here is John McCain did what he had to do to have a future in this party. It is clear that these will never be best buddies.

But they're going to campaign together in California next week. He's going to be once again a good soldier.

I love the line, "Americans don't like sore losers." I mean, he gets it.

SESNO: Straight talk, straight talk.

CROWLEY: I mean, that was it right there. And he did what he had to do.

MESERVE: The military ethos.

KING: Straight talk from a man who may well run again in four years if George Bush loses. The McCain senior staff came down into the aisle here as he was speaking, many of them actually mouthing the words of this speech.

We were told by Cindy McCain that the senator practiced this over and over again, that he wanted to give a good speech. He's not known as someone who gives a good prepared speech. He doesn't follow a text well.

His aides already, and in some of the delegations, I know in your delegation in New Hampshire, privately people who supported him already saying that if Governor Bush loses, Senator McCain might run again. But they know if these Republicans are to accept a McCain candidacy four years from now, he cannot be blamed for George Bush's defeat.

CROWLEY: And he's got to -- it can't just be one speech and then he goes away. He's got to be out there.

SESNO: What is interesting, though, is to think about this convention in the big picture, in the sense of how different it really is. We saw it again tonight from previous conventions we'd been to. I mean, yes, there was John McCain. But it's the sort of quiet little abstraction off in the corner. This is George Bush's convention to dominate. And he has done so.

A delegate I spoke to earlier today says he's been to 11 conventions. That's a lot of conventions, a long time. He says he's never been to one like this before.

MESERVE: You know, I ran into Dick Armey, the majority leader in the House of Representatives, earlier today. I must say he looked a little dejected, although he was following the party line that, wow, is he happy with this convention.

And I said to him, "Well, why aren't you speaking?" And he said sort of ruefully as he walked away, "They don't need me."

CROWLEY: Let me turn a corner just to ask you all what you thought of the idea of Barbara Bush appearing up there. We've all -- you know, everything has been so focused on this whole father-son thing, and the father-son race between Gore, Sr. And suddenly, who is it that's up there in the limelight and gives him the perfect chance to do that line all Texans know -- "I've got my dad's eyes and my mom's mouth" -- I thought it was a very sort of cute, flip way to kind of go, "Here's my family. But oh, guess what, it's mom." I thought they...

BLITZER: Especially, Candy, on this day when we saw President Clinton going on the offensive during this Republican Convention and speaking out rather publicly and candidly about George W. Bush. This was a mother defending her son, and without many words...

CROWLEY: Without saying a word.

BLITZER: ... but doing so very, very effectively.

MESERVE: And boy, do they love her. Did this crowd respond when she appeared up there. She is just clearly a big attraction to this ticket.

SESNO: The City of Motherly Love. There has been a lot of interesting times out on the campaign -- Candy, I know you spend so much time with them -- because of this family thing, this Bush family thing.

It's more than just political dynasty or public service, or a legacy of public service, as they put it. It's not-so-subliminal way of saying, "We're a functional group. We believe in something. We support one another."

And the public seems to respond fairly well to that even though there is some caution about anything that suggests dynasty, which is I suspect why it was Mommy Bush and not Daddy Bush that was up there.

BLITZER: Well, you could see him in his face, President Bush, as he was sitting up there in the VIP section. You could just see -- all of us have covered George Bush, the president. We all know what he was thinking and how difficult it must be for him to hold his tongue at this moment.

CROWLEY: I'm sorry, John, go ahead. I was just going to say to me, watching George the son -- this is going to get difficult -- it was like he tweaked us. There was a little sort of "hey, mom" sort of thing after all of this. It just struck me as one of those kinds of jokes that he likes to do, you know.

KING: And also, many of his advisers have urged him not to do this, not to put his family out front because there would be criticism that he's not ready, that he's just the son of a president. It shows you that the governor resists such and is very happy to put his family out front.

And I think tonight also a turning point at the convention in the sense that yesterday we had the rules and the procedures. Tonight, the party paid tribute to its past. The governor paid tribute to his past rivals in this campaign. The next two nights will be about George W. Bush and Dick Cheney.

BLITZER: Jeff Greenfield is still up in the booth we hope. Jeff, you have a question.

GREENFIELD: Well, your hopes are fulfilled. What I want to understand down there is I had the sense watching it in this bubble that these delegates are almost impatient to stand up and cheer. Whenever somebody, whenever a speaker comes close to criticizing the Clinton administration, they can't wait to get up and cheer. Do you think they are in a sense red meat deprived at this convention?


CROWLEY: I'd say so.

SESNO: The best line I've heard so far, Jeff, is the line that Governor Huckabee from the state of Arkansas said the other night...

MESERVE: Yes, political vegetarian...

SESNO: ... when we were talking about the core, rallying the base, and the core of the party. And we talked about past conventions that have needed that red meat to rally. They said, "No red meat here, this is a vegetarian convention."

And they are red meat deprived. They love it when they can beat up on the opposition. And there hasn't been much of that deliberately.

BLITZER: You know, I think perhaps, Jeff, more than even the delegates who would like to see some of that red meat, the journalists who are here would have loved to have seen some of that red meat.


CROWLEY: And the one who least wants to see it is the candidate. And that's we had what we have. KING: OK, well, their strategy is that Al Gore is trailing in the polls right now. The Bush campaign believes he has no choice but to go on the attack.

And it is their assessment that if they set the tone of a positive tone, that Al Gore will suffer if he attacks. So for now, they don't want to attack, although one of my delegations is Tennessee. And a lot of the Tennessee Republicans back there very much want to send Al Gore home to Tennessee. And they've been kicking it up a little bit back there among themselves, disappointed they're not hearing a little bit more from the podium.

WOODRUFF: All right, guys, that was fascinating. A whip around the floor and around, and we all learned a lot.

GREENFIELD: We even talked about the diet at this convention, red meat, vegetarian.

WOODRUFF: I just have to say the toughest sign I saw held up tonight said, "Restore military morale."


GREENFIELD: Fighting words, Judy.

SHAW: Bill Schneider, you were talking about veterans a short time ago. Impressive in this hall tonight, past presidents and salutes to them.

SCHNEIDER: We saw a lot of them tonight, including the tribute to former president Ronald Reagan. You know, President Reagan is a national icon. President George Bush got turned out of office after just one term. Where are the voters?

Well, here, ladies and gentlemen, is a surprise. Voters actually have a higher opinion of former President Bush than they do of former President Reagan. Bush has seen his reputation enhanced, I think, because of the Clinton scandals. To many Americans, Bush represents character in the White House. Reagan was a man of firm convictions. When times were tough, he called on Americans to "stay the course," and they stood by him because they knew he was following a course. But Reaganism wasn't just a conservative ideology. It was also a generosity of spirit. What this convention is trying to is to recapture Reagan's generosity of spirit.

Mr. Bush's call for compassion and inclusion is very much par of that. I would say that what this convention is trying to do is, in my words, I would say, "de-Gingrich" the Republican Party because the most amazing thing here is you don't hear the name Al Gore! I didn't hear it in two nights! Nobody is talking about Al Gore!

WOODRUFF: You barely hear "Clinton."

SCHNEIDER: You barely hear "Bill Clinton." The only time you get a rises out of this group is when Condoleezza Rice said "It all begins with integrity in the Oval Office," and they all cheer and roar. When McCain said, "Public officials who have failed to set an example" -- it's all by indirection. What happened to Clinton? What happened to Gore? This is a convention!

WOODRUFF: But there's no mistaking what they -- you're right, it's indirect, but there's no mistaking.

SCHNEIDER: And when Dick Armey said "They don't need me" -- he is regarded as part of the Gingrich wing of the party. They don't need him because they're trying to de-Gingrich this party.

GREENFIELD: He is the opponent that dare not -- they dare not speak his name.

WOODRUFF: He is in town. He is in town, though. He just hasn't...


SCHNEIDER: He's invisible! Newt Gingrich, who was the man who defined the Republican Party of the 1990s -- the "Gingrich revolution" -- he brought them control of Congress, an unheard-of dream! Where is he?

WOODRUFF: But it's 2000.

SHAW: Well, of course...

SCHNEIDER: It's 2000. Exactly.

SHAW: ... another name -- another name you don't hear is Buchanan. Buchanan.

SCHNEIDER: Well, he's not a Republican anymore. But you know, impeachment isn't even mentioned, either, because impeachment didn't destroy Bill Clinton. It destroyed Newt Gingrich.

GREENFIELD: It is a breathtaking fact.

SHAW: I haven't heard the word "impeachment" since I left Washington.

GREENFIELD: ... a breathtaking fact that...

WOODRUFF: Yeah. They don't have to resay it.

GREENFIELD: ... less than two years ago, at least the political world was embroiled by a scandal that led to the impeachment of the president, and it is as if it has been dropped down the political memory hole, for good or ill. It's, like, "What? What? I didn't catch that."

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: That's part of the...

WOODRUFF: But it's enough when they talk about integrity, restoring integrity.

SCHNEIDER: It's all indirect.

WOODRUFF: It says it all.

SHAW: One quick question to each of you. Do you think this is just a little too slick?


WOODRUFF: Which? What? Our performance?

SHAW: No, no, no, no!

GREENFIELD: I believe I had...

SHAW: What's going on in this hall, how this convention is being orchestrated, the sanitizing of political rhetoric?

GREENFIELD: I have the...

SHAW: What about those people out there?

SCHNEIDER: There was a moment that wasn't scripted, and that was the most interesting, when Jim Kolbe, an openly gay man, gave a speech, some delegates were going to walk out. They didn't, but they had a prayer vigil in protest. You can't really control what these delegates do, and that was clearly a symbol. So when Kolbe spoke, that's news. A gay -- openly gay man speaks to this convention, but they managed to register that protest.

WOODRUFF: And that wouldn't have happened four years ago or, certainly, eight years ago.

GREENFIELD: You know what, though?

SHAW: Is this too slick?

GREENFIELD: We're going to find out. I raised the specter on "Inside Politics," but I think people, when they tune into a convention, might like to see some politics.

What they're going to see right now is this message, after which we'll be back.


GREENFIELD: We're joined now by Stu Rothenberg, a CNN political analyst, among his many hats.

Stu, ever seen a convention where the foreign policy analyst gave a more political speech than the nominee's primary opponent?

STUART ROTHENBERG, CNN POLITICAL ANALYST: Yes, that's amazing. The academic revved 'em up with some good lines, some ideological references. John McCain, you know, when you see him out on the campaign trail versus when you see him here, is very different. On the campaign trail, I saw him, he'd walk back and forth, energy, excitement, lots of jokes, lots of funny lines. This was very serious. It started very slowly, built up to supporting Governor Bush. And then, at the end, it became very personal, I mean, completely different from Condoleezza Rice's.

WOODRUFF: What did her speech accomplish for Governor Bush?

ROTHENBERG: Well, I mean, I think it got the crowd excited. You talked about the lack of excitement here. So that's certainly one thing. You know, she's becoming a celebrity, and she's going to have a following after this. And I think people may take a look at George W. Bush because of her background, frankly, because of her gender, and of course because of her race.

WOODRUFF: She -- it was -- it struck me that she kept bringing in her personal story. She started out as a Democrat, but she talked about her father -- it's because of the Republican Party that her father was allowed to register to vote. I mean, there were some very inspirational...


WOODRUFF: ... moments there.

ROTHENBERG: This whole evening was kind of interesting, if you think about it. Think about defense, foreign policy, national security. In a sense, we haven't been dealing with these issues for years. And the Republicans decided to spend one out of four nights of the convention on these themes.

WOODRUFF: But they barely did it. I mean, there was some of that in her speech. There was some of that in the McCain speech. But neither one of those speeches was only about international issues.

ROTHENBERG: That's right. It was about...

WOODRUFF: And national security.

ROTHENBERG: ... the face of the Republican Party.

GREENFIELD: Right, every speech personal.

ROTHENBERG: Right. Right. Who the party is.

GREENFIELD: And isn't it also -- they have to -- they have to shore up the foreign policy credentials of a governor of Texas, or any governor. Governors come -- governors come to the presidential campaign, the old -- the doubt is always the same. What do they know about the world?

ROTHENBERG: Absolutely.

SHAW: Well, listen to this line. "I know that he understands the complexities of our relationship with China."

ROTHENBERG: I know, but you have this bizarre situation, in recent CNN polling-- George Bush-- ``Who would do a better job handling defense, world affairs,'' Bush having double-digit lead in both of those, as well as in leadership. I think that's where his strength on defense comes, is the leadership.

SHAW: And this line, "George W. Bush understands that America is special among nations."

ROTHENBERG: Well, I think among a lot of reporters, they've concluded that John McCain is pretty special, too. I don't know if -- maybe -- maybe some of his speech down there didn't generate excitement, but I'll bet you every reporter in the building was pretty excited.

GREENFIELD: Do you think, though, that if we look at the McCain speech -- Ken Duberstein was at -- was stressing again and again that while nobody doubts that McCain will support Bush -- fine -- and it's true, I guess, that in 1976, that when Ronald Reagan only half- heartedly supported Ford, people felt that may have had something to do with his defeat. But beyond that, how do you -- can you deliver independent, skeptical, reform-minded voters to the candidate of the establishment, even when the reformer endorses him?

ROTHENBERG: No, I don't think you can, Jeff, but I think you can help in exciting the Republican base and even interesting swing voters and McCain voters if you are John McCain and you go out and you go on some campaign stops with George W. Bush. If this ends it, then I think it's a drop in the bucket. But if McCain is out there for the party and for Bush, I think he could help.

WOODRUFF: It was fascinating when Frank Sesno cited the McCain delegate who didn't want -- certainly didn't want to give his name and didn't even want to give his state. But he said "The wrong man's getting nominated." There are still these people out there who feel that strongly about him.

SHAW: Well, there are a lot of people who feel that George Walker Bush has been a child of privilege, that he has the presidency as a birthright. President Clinton has been slamming Governor Bush about being the president's son. And we've found that things might be a bit more complex than that, and here now is a look at the life of Texas Governor George Bush.


SHAW (voice-over): George Walker Bush, born into a family of wealth, privilege and high expectations. His father, son of a senator. His mother descendant of a president. He grew up straddling two distinctly different worlds, managing to thrive in both. The day after his father graduated from Yale, George was uprooted from New England comfort and moved to the grit of west Texas.

There was oil, lots of it, and money to be made. Family forefathers had largely accumulated their wealth on Wall Street. But 24-year-old George Herbert Walker Bush wanted to make his mark in Texas, where black gold gushed from the ground.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: It was a place where you really felt that you could win the lottery, that anybody could strike it rich if they just had the gumption, the desire.

SHAW: The family settled in Midland, an oil industry town that would affect the Bush's first-born forever.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: And you didn't appreciate it until you went and lived someplace else and found out how completely innocent your childhood was compared to the problems everybody else has.

SHAW: Midland was the kind of place George W. could pursue his passion, Little League baseball.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He'd do what you wanted him to do. He was always on time. He was always dependable. He was a good catcher. He'd catch balls that you'd think couldn't be caught.

SHAW: With 6-year-old George, 3-year-old Robin and newborn Jeb, the Bush family grew up with other transplanted Northeasterners who had made Midland home.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The boys would play touch football. Big George was always the quarterback. He was the man in charge, a natural-born leader.

SHAW: But nothing and no one could protect the family from grief. In 1953, Robin was diagnosed with leukemia. She died seven months later.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: When you lose a young sibling, you know, it's just so strange and different. Of course, we didn't know what leukemia was, at the time.

SHAW: Somehow George and Barbara pushed ahead. The Bush brood grew, adding Neil, Marvin and Dorothy. Young George soon would begin a pattern he'd repeat over and over. The son would follow the father's footsteps with decidedly different results.

When he was 15, his parents enrolled him in the prep school of his father, Phillips-Andover Academy.

George W. began confronting his father's legacy. The father was a star athlete. The son became the head cheerleader.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He began encountering the length and breadth of his father's shadow. His father had been a big man on campus at Andover, and I think it was when George W. began realizing that he really was perhaps the prince who was forever to be measured against the king.

SHAW: At Yale, father, Phi Beta Kappa, son, gentleman's C's. Both were in the secret society Skull and Bones.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: George W. was -- was phenomenally popular on campus. He was the head of the fraternity, the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity, which was known as the party fraternity, the fun place to be.

SEN. ROBERT F. KENNEDY (D), NEW YORK: I am announcing today my candidacy for the presidency of the United States.

DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST: Stop the bombing and stop the war!

SHAW: By the time he got his diploma, a psychedelic and social revolution was scorching the country.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: George W. wanted the world to almost exist in black and white. At that period in time, the world was becoming colorized. Our attitudes towards drugs, towards sex, towards music becoming very ambiguous. George W., as a personality, very clearly to me is not comfortable with ambiguity. He likes things in black and white.

SHAW: After Yale, he was eligible for the military draft.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: George W. said years ago, "I wasn't going to Canada, and I wasn't going to shoot a gun off next to my ear." He was going to perform some form of military service.

SHAW: His father was a war hero, flew planes and was shot down in World War II. During Vietnam, George W. flew Air National Guard jets back home.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He was a good pilot. He was a rapidly promoted pilot. Examining his military records, it's pretty clear that he got a lot of high grades.

SHAW: After the University of Texas Law School rejected his application, he returned to his New England roots and headed for Harvard Business School. With his MBA in hand, just like his father 28 years before him, he headed right for Midland, Texas, hoping for success and fortune in the oil business.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: George would be the one that'd have to go out and, you know, at least talk to the people that owned the minerals and acquire the oil and gas leases or rights to drill.

SHAW: Unlike his father, who had struck it rich for more than a decade, virtually all George W. could do was strike dust.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He did better than most, but he didn't find as much reserves as he liked, and he subsequently had to eventually sell his company.

SHAW: But he remained well respected by oil men in town.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He was a straight, straight shooter, told the truth, did what he said he was going to do. We never had anything in writing between us. I'd rather have had his word than I would his signature.

SHAW: In 1964, his father ran for the U.S. Senate. He lost. Now it was time for the son to try his hand. A seat in Midland's congressional district had opened up. Because Democrats still dominated, running for Congress as a west Texas Republican was hard, especially if you were a born-out-of-state bachelor.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: There was an emerging sense that this guy was a good-time Charlie. He was out a lot and having fun and enjoying a beer here and there and was a carefree young lad still. That's the kind of thing that probably wouldn't help expedite his political career.

SHAW: He needed, he wanted, a lifetime companion. Laura Welch, a public school librarian from Austin, had actually grown up in Midland. Joe and Jan O'Neill (ph) introduced the couple.

JOE O'NEILL: George was the only bachelor in our group of friends. All of us by that time were in our late 20s, and we had married. And Laura was this beautiful, intelligent girl that was single, too.

SHAW: Three months after they met, they were husband and wife. Their honeymoon was spent campaigning for an election he would lose.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He was proud of the effort that we put out, that he put out, that we'd run a good race.

SHAW: Bush returned to the oil business, leaving politics to his father, who was elected vice president. A year later, twin daughters, Jenna and Barbara, were born. The Bush son was now a father.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: George W. was beginning in some way to straighten his life out and beginning to move toward -- away from the young and irresponsible years.

SHAW: In 1989, his father became the 41st president, and like all children of presidents, George W. was in the spotlight. He used his heightened profile to get a job wrapped in boyhood dreams of baseball. He assembled investors to buy the Texas Rangers. His $606,000 investment was worth less than 2 percent of the team, but he was made the Rangers managing partner.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He spoke for the franchise. Hew represented the franchise. He went around and gave the franchise kind of a celebrity quality that it hadn't had before.

SHAW: Bush's biggest accomplishment was building the ballpark in Arlington. He convinced taxpayers to pay for building this stadium, but the team would own it. And it certainly paid off for the owners, especially managing partner Bush. His original $606,000 investment was worth almost $15 million when he sold it less than a decade later. Running the Rangers, now he was wealthy, well-known and accomplished. George W. Bush, a success in his own right.

O'NEILL: He had the time of his life running the Rangers. He was really having fun. And it all fell into place.

SHAW: While his father lived in the White House, in Texas the son was down close to the field, talking baseball, signing autographs and thinking about what it was that he wanted to do next.


He wants to arrive in Philadelphia at this Republican convention. Tonight he's in Gettysburg, as he continues heading towards the city.

"THE CAPITAL GANG" next from the floor of this convention.


WOODRUFF: There are five of them. They're "The Capital Gang."

Mark Shields, take it away.

MARK SHIELDS, HOST, CNN "CAPITAL GANG": Thank you very much, Judy Woodruff.

And now for the definitive wrap-up of the second night of the Philadelphia convention 2000, the Republicans nominate a president. I'm Mark Shields with the full "Capital Gang," with Robert Novak, with Kate O'Beirne, with Al Hunt and Margaret Carlson.

The second night, political convention, no politics, John McCain, presidents galore -- what does this second night mean, Bob?

ROBERT NOVAK, CO-HOST, CNN "CROSSFIRE": Mark, this is the kind of stuff they used to have when the conventions did something. This was a filler night. You know, filler material in between something happening, a little biography. The big event tonight was John McCain, and really, when John McCain is not talking about his colleagues being corrupt, or talking about campaign finance reform and pork barreling, he is not that interesting. It was a nice patriotic speech, but what they got out of it was he got a flat, unconditional endorsement of George W. Bush. That's what the Bush people wanted. That's what this convention wanted. And that's what he gave them.

SHIELDS: Margaret, Carlson, a Good Housekeeping Seal of Approval was put on George W. Bush by John McCain. He talked about qualities of George W. Bush I had never known existed.


SHIELDS: He was a commander-in-chief. He was a hero. He shared all these wonderful values. It was really a ringing endorsement.

CARLSON: It was a ringing endorsement. It was eloquent. It was a well-written speech, well-delivered. I think there was a difference between people who heard it on the floor and people who were upstairs. I thought it was quite moving. It was very quiet. It was the stillest it was all night.

SHIELDS: In the hall itself.

CARLSON: In the hall. And the idea of being a good soldier and calling back to when his father was an admiral, and that now he was serving as a subordinate to George W. Bush. I thought it was as well put as it could have been, and I thought it was a fine moment for him.

SHIELDS: Al Hunt, what does it mean for George W. Bush?

AL HUNT, CNN "CAPITAL GANG": Well, I thought it was -- you know, I slightly disagree with Margaret in the sense that I thought it was a beautifully written speech, and I thought it was very painful for him to deliver it. I think you saw the sadness in John McCain tonight. But I agree with Bob, it was very good for George W. Bush. I thought last night was a terrific first night for him. Tonight, if anything, was better. I talked to my friend, James Carville, who tried to say, "These -- these Republicans are killing themselves because there's no conflict here!" Well, I want to tell you something. We may think that, but my guess is it plays very, very well out there in television-land.

SHIELDS: Kate O'Beirne?

KATE O'BEIRNE, CNN "CAPITAL GANG": I thought John McCain's speech was graceful and classy. It's just what this campaign was looking for. Republicans I spoke to at the Bush campaign were delighted with it. He did talk, in particular, about the governor, and attributed to him good motives and vision. Let's not forget he did promise to beat Al Gore like a drum. And of course he's disappointed. I mean, he had a really exciting run here and got terribly caught up in it. How could he be anything but disappointed?

I did think they did a very good job of sort of paying tribute to and honoring the former presidents. It seems to me they melded it in with the greatest generation, which of course, is represented by both former President Bush and -- and Bob Dole. And I thought that worked for them. They didn't just honor them as former politicians, they were part of the tribute to the greatest generation.

NOVAK: But like a -- like a kind of a -- (INAUDIBLE) have a little dancing in between.

O'BEIRNE: I know. That was unfortunate.

HUNT: You didn't like that? But you know, they are so on- message, Bob. I -- Wolf Blitzer interviewed Condi Rice, the national security adviser to Governor Bush, afterwards, and she made a passing reference to the "partisan" foreign policy of this administration. He asked her about it. She talked about it for about three seconds, then immediately got back to what she said...

NOVAK: This is...

HUNT: ... is the real message about George W.

NOVAK: This was another night, too, where guess whose name wasn't mentioned all night?

SHIELDS: Two people.

NOVAK: Bill Clinton...

SHIELDS: And Al Gore. NOVAK: And Al Gore. And you know, it just -- there's never been a political convention like it. Even the -- even the nicey-nice 1992 convention in New York, where the -- Bill Clinton supposedly created the new Democratic Party, they talked a lot about George Bush, President George Bush.

SHIELDS: They did, but they were running against an incumbent president then, and...

NOVAK: What, you've got...

SHIELDS: And the Democrats of 1988 talked very precious little, you'll recall, in Atlanta about Ronald Reagan. But the 1992 convention is a good one to point out, and that was -- that was used to rehabilitate and reintroduce Bill Clinton. Bill Clinton is the man from Hope, after Gennifer Flowers, after the draft thing. Is this convention being used to introduce George W. Bush as some sort of a larger-than-life national leader, Margaret?

CARLSON: Well, they hope so.

SHIELDS: And do you think it's working?

CARLSON: They hope he comes across as that. Well, the build-up is working because there's nothing that leaves the script. It's a politics-free zone that we're in, even though we're on the convention floor. There's nothing that's interfered with the message so far. And we're in -- the story arc is like this, and we're about to have the crescendo. I don't know if Dick Cheney's the best warm-up act in town, but maybe there could be some dancing girls. And then...


O'BEIRNE: There are ways, though, of reading a subtext. What did we see tonight? We saw General Norman Schwarzkopf from the deck of the carrier. We talked -- obviously, Dick Cheney's sitting now in the auditorium. You saw these veterans...

SHIELDS: Veterans?

O'BEIRNE: Well, no...

SHIELDS: Not Dick Cheney. Let's get that straight.

O'BEIRNE: In the sense of an adult team who was successful at foreign policy, who knew what they were doing, the kind of people one could expect to broadly support the next Republican president. I think there's good subtext there, given the feckless photo op foreign policy...


SHIELDS: Thank you very much. And now that we're on message -- Kate, you're on message -- let's get this straight. Foreign policy is not a big factor in this campaign.

NOVAK: It sure isn't.

SHIELDS: It sure isn't. And I haven't heard anybody say -- it was mentioned more here tonight than I've heard it in the entire campaign year.

NOVAK: Oh, you will hear it, probably.

O'BEIRNE: I think you will.

CARLSON: And Condoleezza Rice...

NOVAK: The funny thing is that their issue -- you talk to people here, you look at polling data, and the coming issue is tax cuts. It's -- I mean, a lot of the people on this -- on this panel and a lot of the people in the Democratic Party doesn't think there's a desire -- don't think there's a desire for tax cuts, but the people in this -- in this party...

SHIELDS: In this room.

NOVAK: ... in this room, think there is. And then nobody talks about it!

SHIELDS: You know, I think this...

NOVAK: They haven't talked about it yet. The other -- the other thing is that the most emotional moment of the evening...

SHIELDS: The only spontaneous moment of the evening.

NOVAK: ... was when Bill Powers, the Republican state chairman of New York, said -- in the -- in the...

SHIELDS: Next great United States senator...

NOVAK: ... next great United States senator, Rick Lazio. And the people just erupted in a sustained applause because they really...

CARLSON: They were held back.

NOVAK: ... don't like Hillary Rodham Clinton...


SHIELDS: This is a crowd that wants to boo.

NOVAK: But they didn't boo.

HUNT: That's what you come to...


CARLSON: They want something, anything. Like, Condoleezza Rice, who's really smart about foreign policy got up and gave a Hallmark card speech about her family. The idea is to have no substance whatsoever. So the crowd's sitting here... SHIELDS: What about Mrs. Dole?

CARLSON: ... and they'll do anything -- well, Kate and I were -- the excitement was would she come down the steps and do an Oprah.


CARLSON: But you know, her husband's not running this time, so she stayed up on stage.

NOVAK: Margaret, they...

CARLSON: And on message.


NOVAK: Excuse me. They dumbed down Condoleezza Rice's draft. The first draft as a real serious foreign policy speech, and they dumbed it down to this. And I don't blame them!

CARLSON: My point exactly!


HUNT: You know, Bob, as "The New York Times" told us today, about 60 percent of these delegates make over $100,000 a year. You know, I've found among that group, tax cuts always are a big issue.

NOVAK: Well, I mean, that's -- that's the class hatred that you like to preach, but the point of the matter is that serious politicians, unlike you, Al, really do...

HUNT: Oh, I'm not a politician.

NOVAK: I know you're not -- really do believe that there is a tremendous issue coming on on tax cuts, and it's just like this -- this infomercial...

HUNT: When did it start, Bob?

NOVAK: ... ignores it.

HUNT: Bob, wasn't there -- when did it start?

NOVAK: I'd say in the last few months, when the...

HUNT: Oh, it wasn't there before then.

NOVAK: ... when the -- when the -- when a very good strategy in the Republican Congress to pass these things individually...

HUNT: I see.

NOVAK: ... have -- have put the issue before the public.

SHIELDS: All right, let's talk about the strategy and did it work, or was it worth it, of the presidents. I mean, Gerry Ford -- it was -- it was good, a kind of trip down Memory Lane, and certainly warm and pleasant and positive. Did it work?

NOVAK (voice-over): No, I don't think -- I don't think -- I think it was -- it was nice and people liked it, and people get very misty when they -- when they talk about Ronald Reagan...

O'BEIRNE: Well, Ronald Reagan always works. Ronald Reagan always works, it seems to me.

HUNT: But it doesn't translate.

O'BEIRNE: And I think this year President Bush helps.

HUNT: It doesn't hurt, but it doesn't change it.

SHIELDS: Margaret?

CARLSON: On the ranch, the pictures, very nostalgic.

O'BEIRNE: Yeah, it works.

SHIELDS: All right. All right, that's it for "THE CAPITAL GANG," night two of the Republican national convention. And Bob...

NOVAK: Not Democratic, no.

SHIELDS: And now back to Judy.

WOODRUFF: All right. There's a reason they call them "The Capital Gang." They are capital.

For me, the enduring memories tonight: Nancy Reagan, the Bushes, President and Mrs. Ford, and Barbara Bush looking up at her son.

GREENFIELD: Eight years ago, the defeated Republican candidate was Pat Buchanan giving a speech that the Bush campaign was appalled by. Tonight, the defeated Republican candidate John McCain gave a speech that the Bush campaign had to be certainly please with.

SHAW: Well, that's night two of this 37th Republican convention, but there is more to come.



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