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President Bush Reveals New Defense Strategy

Aired May 1, 2001 - 14:36   ET


LOU WATERS, CNN ANCHOR: President Bush, in just a couple of moments, is expected to lay out the basic framework for his nuclear defense policy. Aides say the speech he is about to give will outline a new way of thinking on defense matters, and will include the president's proposal to move forward with the national missile defense system, as it's called, which we've been reporting on in the past hour.

Now at the podium, the secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, who will be introducing the president. Let's listen in.


DONALD RUMSFELD, DEFENSE SECRETARY: ... this truly noble calling, which indeed, it is, by any standard. Just over 100 days ago, in his inaugural address, President Bush spoke about qualities that compel citizens to such a noble calling. He talked about civility, courage and character; reminders that the strength that matters most is not the strength of arms, but the strength of character; character expressed in service to something larger than ourselves.

And if that is our ultimate safeguard, then we, indeed are a nation blessed. One cannot look upon the proud representatives of the armed forces and not be powerfully reminded that the spirit of service and sacrifice is alive in this country.

It is with your service and your sacrifice in mind that the president has said that we much build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge. He understands that in the new world that confronts us, we have an obligation to dissuade rash and reckless aggressors from taking or threatening actions that might endanger the safety and security of the American people and our friends and our allies.In that context, the president has said that America's development of a missile defense is a search for security, not a search for advantage.

And so it's an honor for me to present the man committed to leading us to greater security. He has worn the uniform of our country, and he captured our guiding truth when declared that peace is not ordained, it is earned; it is not a harbor where we rest, it is a voyage we must chart.

Men and women of the armed forces, ladies and gentlemen, it is a privilege to introducer our commander-in-chief, President George W. Bush.


GEORGE W. BUSH, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. I appreciate you being here.

I also want to thank Secretary Powell for being here as well.

My national security adviser, Condi Rice, is here, as well as the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs, General Myers. Appreciate Admiral Clark and General Ryan for being here as well.

But most of all, I want to thank you, Admiral Gaffney, and the students for NDU for having me here today.

For almost 100 years, this campus has served as one of our country's premier centers for learning and thinking about America's national security. Some of America's finest soldiers have studied here: Dwight Eisenhower and Colin Powell. Some of America's finest statesmen have taught here: George Kennan.

Today, you're carrying on this proud tradition forward, continuing to train tomorrow's generals, admirals and other national security thinkers, and continuing to provide the intellectual capital for our nation's strategic vision.

This afternoon, I want us to think back some 30 years to a far different time in a far different world. The United States and the Soviet Union were locked in a hostile rivalry. The Soviet Union was our unquestioned enemy, a highly armed threat to freedom and democracy. Far more than that wall in Berlin divided us.

Our highest ideal was and remains individual liberty. Theirs was the construction of a vast communist empire. Their totalitarian regime held much of Europe captive behind an iron curtain.

We didn't trust them, and for good reason. Our deep differences were expressed in a dangerous military confrontation that resulted in thousands of nuclear weapons pointed at each other on hair-trigger alert.

The security of both the United States and the Soviet Union was based on a grim premise that neither side would fire nuclear weapons at each other, because doing so would mean the end of both nations.

We even went so far as to codify this relationship in a 1972 ABM Treaty, based on the doctrine that our very survival would best be ensured by leaving both sides completely open and vulnerable to nuclear attack. The threat was real and vivid. The Strategic Air Command had an airborne command post called the Looking Glass, aloft 24 hours a day, ready in case the president ordered our strategic forces to move toward their targets and release their nuclear ordnance.

The Soviet Union had almost 1.5 million troops deep in the heart of Europe, in Poland, in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and East Germany. We used our nuclear weapons, not just to prevent the Soviet Union from using their nuclear weapons, but also to contain their conventional military forces, to prevent them from extending the Iron Curtain into parts of Europe and Asia that were still free.

In that world, few other nations had nuclear weapons, and most of those who did were responsible allies, such as Britain and France. We worried about the proliferation of nuclear weapons to other countries, but it was mostly a distant threat, not yet a reality.

Today, the sun comes up on a vastly different world. The Wall is gone, and so is the Soviet Union. Today's Russia is not yesterday's Soviet Union.

Its government is no longer communist. Its president is elected. Today's Russia is not our enemy, but a country in transition with an opportunity to emerge as a great nation, democratic, at peace with itself and its neighbors.

The Iron Curtain no longer exists. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are free nations and they are now our allies in NATO, together with a reunited Germany.

Yet this is still a dangerous world; a less certain, a less predictable one. More nations have nuclear weapons and still more have nuclear aspirations. Many have chemical and biological weapons. Some already have developed a ballistic missile technology that would allow them to deliver weapons of mass destruction at long distances and incredible speeds, and a number of these countries are spreading these technologies around the world.

Most troubling of all, the list of these countries includes some of the world's least responsible states. Unlike the Cold War, today's most urgent threat stems not from thousands of ballistic missiles in the Soviet hands, but from a small number of missiles in the hands of these states, states for whom terror and blackmail are a way of life.

They seek weapons of mass destruction to intimidate their neighbors, and to keep the United States and other responsible nations from helping allies and friends in strategic parts of the world. When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990, the world joined forces to turn him back. But the international community would have faced a very different situation had Hussein been able to blackmail with nuclear weapons.

Like Saddam Hussein, some of today's tyrants are gripped by an implacable hatred of the United States of America.

They hate our friends. They hate our values. They hate democracy and freedom and individual liberty. Many care little for the lives of their own people. In such a world, Cold War deterrence is no longer enough.

To maintain peace, to protect our own citizens and our own allies and friends, we must seek security based on more than the grim premise that we can destroy those who seek to destroy us. This is an important opportunity for the world to rethink the unthinkable and to find new ways to keep the peace. Today's world requires a new policy, a broad strategy of active nonproliferation, counter-proliferation and defenses.

We must work together with other like-minded nations to deny weapons of terror from those seeking to acquire them.

We must work with allies and friends who wish to join with us to defend against the harm they can inflict. And together, we must deter anyone who would contemplate their use.

We need new concepts of deterrence that rely on both offensive and defensive forces. Deterrence can no longer be based solely on the threat of nuclear retaliation. Defenses can strengthen deterrence by reducing the incentive for proliferation.

We need a new framework that allows us to build missile defenses to counter the different threats of today's world. To do so, we must move beyond the constraints of the 30-year-old ABM Treaty. This treaty does not recognize the present or point us to the future. It enshrines the past.

No treaty that prevents us from addressing today's threats, that prohibits us from pursuing promising technology to defend ourselves, our friends and our allies, is in our interests or in the interests of world peace.

This new framework must encourage still further cuts in nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons still have a vital role to play in our security and that of our allies.

We can and will change the size, the composition, the character of our nuclear forces in a way that reflects the reality that the Cold War is over. I'm committed to achieving a credible deterrent with the lowest possible number of nuclear weapons consistent with our national security needs, including our obligations to our allies.

My goal is to move quickly to reduce nuclear forces. The United States will lead by example to achieve our interests and the interests for peace in the world.

Several months ago, I asked Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld to examine all available technologies and basing modes for effective missile defenses that could protect the United States, our deployed forces, our friends and our allies. The secretary has explored a number of complementary and innovative approaches.

The secretary has identified near-term options that could allow us to deploy an initial capability against limited threats. In some cases, we can draw on already established technologies that might involve land-based and sea-based capabilities to intercept missiles in mid-course or after they re-enter the atmosphere.

We also recognize the substantial advantages of intercepting missiles early in their flight, especially in the boost phase. The preliminary work has produced some promising options for advanced sensors and interceptors that may provide this capability. If based at sea or on aircraft, such approaches could provide limited but effective defenses.

We have more work to do to determine the final form the defenses might take. We will explore all of these options further. We recognize the technological difficulties we face, and we look forward to the challenge. Our nation will assign the best people to this critical task. We will evaluate what works and what does not.

We know that some approaches will not work. We also know that we'll be able to build on our successes. When ready, and working with Congress, we will deploy missile defenses to strengthen global security and stability.

I've made it clear from the very beginning that I would consult closely on the important subject with our friends and allies, who are also threatened by missiles and weapons of mass destruction.

Today, I'm announcing the dispatch of high-level representatives to allied capitals in Europe, Asia, Australia and Canada to discuss our common responsibility to create a new framework for security and stability that reflects the world of today. They will begin leaving next week. The delegations will be headed by three men on this stage, Rich Armitage, Paul Wolfowitz and Steve Hadley; deputies of the State Department, the Defense Department and the national security staff.

Their trips will be part of an ongoing process of consultation, involving many people in many levels of government, including my Cabinet secretaries. These will be real consultations. We are not presenting our friends and allies with unilateral decisions already made. We look forward to hearing their views, the views of our friends, and to take them into account. We will seek their input on all the issues surrounding the new strategic environment.

We'll also need to reach out to other interested states, including China and Russia. Russia and the United States should work together to develop a new foundation for world peace and security in the 21st century. We should leave behind the constraints of an ABM Treaty that perpetuates a relationship based on distrust and mutual vulnerability.

This treaty ignores the fundamental breakthroughs in technology during the last 30 years. It prohibits us from exploring all options for defending against the threats that face us, our allies and other countries.

That's why we should work together to replace this treaty with a new framework that reflects a clear and clean break from the past, and especially from the adversarial legacy of the Cold War.

This new cooperative relationship should look to the future, not to the past. It should be reassuring, rather than threatening. It should be premised on openness, mutual confidence and real opportunities for cooperation, including the area of missile defense.

It should allow us to share information so that each nation can improve its early warning capability and its capability to defend its people and territory. And perhaps one day, we can even cooperate in a joint defense.

I want to complete the work of changing our relationship from one based on a nuclear balance of terror to one based on common responsibilities and common interests.

We may have areas of difference with Russia, but we are not and must not be strategic adversaries. Russia and America both face new threats to security. Together, we can address today's threats and pursue today's opportunities. We can explore technologies that have the potential to make us all safer.

This is a time for vision, a time for a new way of thinking, a time for bold leadership. The Looking Glass no longer stands its 24- hour-a-day vigil. We must all look at the world in a new, realistic way to preserve peace for generations to come.

God bless.

WATERS: Short on details, President Bush today telling us that we must move beyond the constraints of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Russia as he outlines a general framework for a comprehensive security strategy for the United States in the changing post-Cold War world.

He said Cold War nuclear standoff is over. The threats today come from a small number of missiles in the hands of rogue states, as he called them, where intimidation and murder are way of life. He says Cold War deterrence is no longer enough. He says rogue states require the United States to deploy a ballistic missile defense system that key allies and Russia oppose. He says we need a new framework.

So, the debate again has been joined. It's interesting to note that it was eight months ago that President Clinton was at the National Defense University right here today, and used the same venue to say that the technologies needed to shield against ballistic missiles were not mature enough to commit to building one.

We're going to be hear more about new defense strategy for the United States, and indeed, the world, over the next several months as the president, without details, said he was sending emissaries to Asia and Europe and beyond to get their input on what the president proposes -- Natalie.

NATALIE ALLEN, CNN ANCHOR: And joining us now with reaction to the president's speech, Senator Joe Biden, a Democrat from Delaware and ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations committee.

Senator, thank you for joining us.

SEN. JOSEPH BIDEN (D), DELAWARE: I'm happy to be here.

ALLEN: We just heard the president say we must look at the world in a more realistic way, and that calls for a new strategy. What's your reaction to new treaty of the concept of national defense? BIDEN: Well, the concept of national defense by itself is not a bad concept, and everything he said seemed to make sense. The problem is, as the old joke goes, the devil's in the details. If he is embarking on a new Star Wars to erect a nuclear umbrella around the United States and start a new arms race, that would be a disastrous policy.

If he really means that we can be the strategic partners with Russia and amend the ABM treaty to deal with new threats that are looming, they're not here yet, then that makes a lot of sense. If I could make one point. He said the greatest threat we have now that's emerged is from a rogue nation.

The Defense Department says that's the single lowest threat that exists, and is that the United States would be struck by ICBM missile launched from anywhere in the world launched accidentally or intentionally. A much greater threat is that a nuclear weapon would be out in the hull of a ship and come up the San Francisco harbor or the New York harbor and detonate it.

And so, I think that we should -- and by the way, he said we should continue to spend money on research and development. We are spending, and I support it, billions of dollars so far and next year several billion dollars, on research for potential defensive capabilities. So, it's a little hard, quite frankly, to tell exactly what he means and how different his strategy that he's proposing really is.

ALLEN: Right. There were no details...

BIDEN: None.

ALLEN: ... in this speech, but on the thought of Russia and the U.S. working together, and the allies coming on board here...


ALLEN: ... would there be more support, do you think, on Capitol Hill for this?

BIDEN: If in fact -- let me give you one scenario. If in fact we worked on out with the Russians that we could amend the ABM treaty to allow a boost-phase intercept -- that's a fancy phrase for saying when someone goes to launch a missile that you shoot before it gets high and fast, you shoot it from behind, like a heat-sinking missile and kill it, well, that kind of system would not threaten the existing arsenals in China and/or in Russia.

In China, they only have 18 ICBMs, by the way. That kind of system could be built, would be able to move against the possibility, five, 10 years down the road that North Korea or some other nation would have a system that could theoretically hit the United States without causing a new arms race.

On the other hand, if you build a system that can threaten potentially the system that's in China, they're going to go from 18 missiles to 800 missiles and start a new arms race between India and Pakistan. That would be disastrous. So, the devil is in the details. It makes a great deal of difference what the president is talking about.

ALLEN: And as far as the detail, are there any estimates on how much might need to be spent in the years it will take to find the technology for this and test it?

BIDEN: If you went to a multiple system, land, air, and sea, as well as space, you could be talking about something approaching to a trillion dollars. If you're talking a system that is only designed to deal with rogue state, i.e. Korea in particular, North Korea, then in fact, you could be talking, quote, "as little as $60 to $100 billion."

Either way, it's a lot of money which makes we wonder why we're not continuing to pursue discussions with North Korea, which has stopped testing their long-range missile capability. Now, why don't we talk to them now when they were in the process of doing that with us to determine whether or not there's even a cheaper way do it.

And that is, to a verifiable system whereby they don't build such a missile. So, I'm a little bit confused by the president as well as him talking about non-proliferation. He is cutting the money we are spending to now help now destroy nuclear and chemical weapons in Russia, and in other areas of the world. He's cutting that fund, when his own party leader, Howard Baker, says we should be spending $30 billion more over the next 10 years to help eliminate their weapons.

So, it's a confused message because we have no detail. But the thrust of what the president said about it being a different world is correct.

ALLEN: We will leave it there for now. We thank you for your comments, Senator Joe Biden, thanks.

BIDEN: Thank you.

WATERS: And more about this when Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld discusses defense policy tonight on "WOLF BLITZER REPORTS." That's at 8 Eastern, 5 Pacific.



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