"Where are the police? Where are the police?" Lee whispered over and over from his rooftop perch. Lee would not see law enforcement for three days -- only fellow Korean-Americans, who would be photographed by news agencies looking like armed militia in what appeared to be a guerrilla race war on the streets.
It was April 30, 1992, and the city of angels raged in a second day of looting, armed assaults and arson in the wake of the acquittal of four white LAPD officers for use of excessive force in the videotaped beating of Rodney King.
The nearly weeklong, widespread rioting killed more than 50 people, injured more than 1,000 people and caused approximately $1 billion in damage, about half of which was sustained by Korean-owned businesses. Long-simmering cultural clashes between immigrant Korean business owners and predominately African-American customers spilled over with the acquittals.
The Rodney King verdict and the ensuing riots are often framed as a turning point for law enforcement and the African-American community. But it's also the single most significant modern event for Korean-Americans, says Edward Taehan Chang, professor of ethnic studies and founding director of the Young Oak Kim Center for Korean American Studies at the University of California, Riverside.
"Despite the fact that Korean-American merchants were victimized, no one in the mainstream cared because of our lack of visibility and political power," Chang said. "Korean immigrants, many who arrived in the late 1970s and early 80s, learned economic success alone will not guarantee their place in America. What was an immigrant Korean identity began to shift. The Korean-American identity was born."
The 25th anniversary of the LA riots falls on the same day as Trump's 100th day in office -- and for the Korean-Americans CNN interviewed, the coincidence is significant.
"Twenty-five years ago, we learned a lesson in what the lack of political power and cultural misunderstandings between minority groups can do," Lee said.
"It can destroy us."
Asian immigrants, once a conservative bloc, have steadily moved to the center and left of the political spectrum, especially as their US-born children identify with more liberal beliefs. Exit poll data show that since 1992, Asian-Americans have steadily moved further away from the Republican Party, shifting to the Democrats and independents.
In 2016, exit polls showed Asian-Americans broke 65% for Clinton to 27% for Trump. As the country's fastest-growing immigrant group, the trends don't bode well for the GOP, who lagged behind the Democrats in Asian-American engagement in 2016.
"What I'm hearing from Trump and the rise in hate crimes in this country is scaring me," Lee said. "Los Angeles had this painful past. Now it's time for minority ethnic groups to talk to each other, stay bound together, understand and support each other."
'They left us to burn'
Lee was the only son in his family, so as the riots spread into Koreatown, the duty of protecting his parents' business fell on him. Lee left his own gas station unprotected.
In the middle of those three chaotic nights, Lee recalled watching the local news on a portable TV on the rooftop.
"I watched a gas station on fire, and I thought, boy, that place looks familiar," he said. "Soon, the realization hit me. As I was protecting my parents' shopping mall, I was watching my own gas station burn down on TV."
That he ended up on a rooftop with a borrowed gun was never in Lee's life plan. He had quit his job as an engineer at an aerospace company to pursue what he hoped would be life as an independent businessman, opening up three businesses in Koreatown.
"I truly thought I was a part of mainstream society," said Lee, who immigrated with his family to the United States as a child. "Nothing in my life indicated I was a secondary citizen until the LA riots. The LAPD powers that be decided to protect the 'haves' and the Korean community did not have any political voice or power. They left us to burn."
'We were trapped'
Andy Yoo was confused. He stood on his apartment balcony, watching men his father's age pace in front of the California Supermarket with long guns. To the seventh-grader, they looked like action figures in the war movies he'd seen. The boy thought, this must be war. Born and bred in Los Angeles, Yoo just didn't understand who was fighting whom.
Yoo's mother told him to get back inside. But his childhood curiosity kept getting the better of him, as he peeked out at the gunmen and the chaos outside the supermarket. He wanted to know how Koreatown in America could be equivalent to a war zone, with no police coming to help families like his.
The image of the gunmen on that supermarket rooftop would become the iconic, and enduring, picture of the LA riots.
Yoo's balcony, his family's car and the streets were covered in soot, as ash rained down from the fires across Koreatown. He also remembers police lining Crenshaw Avenue, cutting off access to the west side of Los Angeles.
"It was containment," said Yoo, now a lawyer who works in Koreatown. "The police cut off traffic out of Koreatown, while we were trapped on the other side without help. Those roads are a gateway to a richer neighborhood. It can't be denied."
A shifting political bloc
That single childhood realization, the separation of Yoo's community from the richer, white neighborhoods with a police barrier, drove Yoo to become a lawyer.
"I realized I needed to learn the law, learn the rules of this society. If you're going to play the game you need to learn the rules and be a part of this system. What happened to us as children led to a political awakening in young Korean-Americans. We would help our parents as the American-born children of immigrants and not let what happened to them ha