ZAGAN, POLAND - JUNE 18:  A soldier of the Polish Army mans a tank as a NATO flag flies behind during the NATO Noble Jump military exercises of the VJTF forces on June 18, 2015 in Zagan, Poland. The VJTF, the Very High Readiness Joint Task Force, is NATO's response to Russia's annexation of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Troops from Germany, Norway, Belgium, Poland, Czech Republic, Lithuania and Holland were among those taking part today.  (Photo by Sean Gallup/Getty Images)
What's the point of NATO?
01:23 - Source: CNN

Editor’s Note: William Inboden is executive director of the Clements Center for National Security and an associate professor in the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin. He served on the National Security Council staff and at the State Department in the George W. Bush administration. The views expressed in this commentary are his own. View more opinion articles at CNN.

CNN  — 

Around the time of the founding of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization seven decades ago, its first secretary general, Hastings Ismay, made the memorable observation that the purpose of NATO was “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down.”

William Inboden

In the years after the peaceful end of the Cold War, that Ismay quote would often be invoked jokingly, as a witty but archaic summary of a bygone era. After all, Russia had become a benign nation friendly to the West, Germany was a responsible and well-integrated member state in the European Union, and the United States had for several decades shown our commitment to international leadership and trans-Atlantic partnerships. The challenge the treaty faced during the quarter century from the end of the Cold War up to recent years was to clarify a rationale for its existence.

As NATO celebrates its 70th anniversary Thursday, Ismay’s insight about its nativity is relevant again – in a literal sense. A resurgent Russia has invaded Ukraine and threatens the rest of Europe. The United States shows a new affinity for isolationism and new distance from our allies. Although German militarism is no longer a concern, Berlin’s policies on immigration and the eurozone have contributed to resentment and instability in the EU.

President Donald Trump makes little effort to conceal his disdain for NATO. In this way he follows his predecessor, Barack Obama, whose style differed from Trump’s but who also criticized some NATO countries as “free riders” and complained about the burdens and frustrations of allies. Bemoaning the alliance has become a bipartisan pastime.

But a look at history offers some perspective about the unique value of NATO. Never before in world history has a superpower such as the United States enjoyed an alliance system of partner nations voluntarily sworn to cooperate in its defense. Not the Roman Empire, nor ancient China at the height of its power, not the Spanish Empire in the 16th century or the Dutch Empire in the 17th century, nor the British or French in the 18th or 19th centuries, nor Germany or the Soviet Union at their 20th-century zeniths.

To those who would dismiss this or who would question what military value can be added by small nations such as Denmark and Estonia, consider this: More than 1,000 soldiers from NATO nations other than the United States have been killed in action in Afghanistan. Their nations were not targeted on September 11, 2001. But after al Qaeda attacked the United States on that fateful day, our NATO allies immediately invoked Article 5 and committed their blood and treasure to stand with us in the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban.

The value our allies contribute goes much beyond troop deployments. NATO militaries purchase billions of dollars’ worth of American-made weapons and supplies. With their global web of intelligence collection capabilities, our allies share intelligence with us of incomparable insight. These nations also provide the United States valuable basing rights, enabling us to forward-deploy our forces to deter our enemies over there, rather than have to fight them here at home.

Even if some Americans doubt the merits of the treaty, our adversaries do not. Russian President Vladimir Putin is waging a fervent campaign to undermine NATO’s unity and effectiveness. When a hostile leader such as Putin wants to weaken NATO, that should tell us something about what he fears – and what he sees as our strengths.

Thirty five years ago this June, President Ronald Reagan stood atop the wind-swept cliffs of Pointe du Hoc in Normandy and paid tribute to the allied forces who helped to liberate Europe on D-Day. Standing before the leaders of several other NATO countries, he observed: “We in America have learned bitter lessons from two World Wars: It is better to be here ready to protect the peace, than to take blind shelter across the sea, rushing to respond only after freedom is lost.”

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    For this reason, he praised it as “a great alliance that serves to this day as our shield for freedom, for prosperity, and for peace.” Reagan’s words provide a fitting reminder of why NATO still matters after 70 years.